Advances in Role and Reference Grammar

(singke) #1
CLAUSE COMBINING IN NOOTKA 269


  1. The main sources of grammatical information on Nootka are the text analysis of
    Sapir (1924); the dissertation on word formation of Swadesh (1933), published in
    revised form (1939); the "Grammatical Notes" in Sapir & Swadesh (1939:235-
    243), followed by lists of stems (243-316) and suffixes (316-334); and the com­
    prehensive dissertation of Rose (1981), treating the quite divergent northerly
    Kyuquot dialect. An even larger body of texts is provided by Sapir & Swadesh
    (1955).

  2. I use for Nootka the orthographic symbols of Sapir & Swadesh (1939), except that
    I follow Swadesh's later practice of substituting  for o, and  for  (cf. Sapir &
    Swadesh 1955:4). When following w, dorsals (&'s, g's, and x's) are always
    labialized (kw, etc); I follow the source in indicating this only when a vowel fol­
    lows. Sufixes cited in isolation are in morphophonemically underlying form. In
    them Vindicates a variable-length vowel, long if in the first or second syllable of
    a word, short if in a later syllable, and Vindicates a persistently long vowel, which
    resists this shortening (cf. Jacobsen 1979a: 145-146, fn. 3). The following abbrevia­
    tions are used in the analytic glosses of the examples: ART, article; CAUS, causative;
    COMEIMPV, "come" imperative; COND, conditional; DIM, diminutive; DUR, durative;
    FIN, finite; FUT INT, future intentive; GR AD, graduati ve; HYP FUT, hypothetic future;
    iMPv, imperative; INCEP, inceptive; INDEFREL, indefinite relative; INDIC, indicative;
    INFER, inferential; INTER, interrogative; ITER, iterative; MOM, momentaneous; OBJ,
    objective; PASS, passive; PAST, past; PL, plural; POSS, possessive; PURP, purposive;
    QuoT, quotative; RECIP, reciprocal; REL, relative; REL DUB, relative dubitative; REP,
    repetitive; SG, singular; SUB, subordinate; SUBJ, subjective; 1, first person; 2, sec­
    ond person; 3, third person.

  3. Thus Heath's (1985:100-103, 107) presentation of the dificulty of determining
    clause boundaries and hence counting clauses in Australian Ngandi strikes a
    responsive chord.

  4. Schachter (1985:11-13) and Anderson (1985b: 155-158) summarize the Nootkan
    part-of-speech problem, the latter in terms of cliticization. Rose (1981:10, 31-34,
    343-346, and passim) discusses part-of-speech distinctions in (Kyuquot) Nootka.
    Schachter (12-13) also points to Tagalog as a language with a weak differentiation
    between noun and verb. Myhill (1984:7-8,195-226) notes that strongly verb-initial
    languages commonly lack a sharp differentiation between noun and verb, discus­
    sing languages from several families: Austronesian (including Tagalog), Salishan
    (Squamish), Mayan, Celtic, Afro-Asiatic, Oto-Manguean, and Nilo-Saharan.
    Hopper & Thompson (1984, especially 745) subsume the weak differentiation of
    noun and verb in Nootkan and other Northwest families in their discourse-func­
    tion-based characterization of the distinction.

  5. Two absolutive main clauses do occur in a quotation in Sapir (1924:79).

  6. Cf. Swadesh (1939:83): "Tense is an optional category in Nootka, the tense being
    expressed or not according to the need of the context."

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