284 JULIA A. JOLLY
(24) a. John broke the vase.
b. [do' (John)] CAUSE [BECOME broken' (vase)]
Prepositions of the three sub-classes are assumed to mark arguments of
the verb. Verbs which have unequal semantic and syntactic valences have
LSs which can be expanded — that is, specified in more detail — thereby
increasing the syntactic valence. For example, the LS of a break sentence
such as (24) can be expanded by elaborating the activity to the left of the
main accomplishment structure CAUSE to include: CAUSE [BECOME
be-at' (x,y)], where y = theme and χ = locative, as in sentences (25) and
(26).
(25) a. John broke the vase with a rock.
b. [[do' (John)] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' (vase, rock)]]
CAUSE [BECOME broken' (vase)]^5
(26) a. John broke the vase against the wall.
b. [[do' (John)] CAUSE [BECOME be-at' (wall, vase)]]
CAUSE [BECOME broken' (vase)]
The semantic valence of the verb is the total number of arguments specified
by a full elaboration of the accomplishment verb structure, as in (25) and
(26). The semantic valence of break is three: in (25), John-effector, vase
=patient and rock—effector-theme; in (26), John—effector, vase=patient
and wall=locative. Thus, with and against, in these contexts, are class 1(c)
prepositions.
Maximal expansion of accomplishment verb structures on both sides of
CAUSE occurs with a set of verbs which Gawron (1986) discusses as three-
place verbs. These transformation verbs — transform, transmute, carve
(into) — have before and after arguments which Gawron treats as iterative
co-predicators. The present analysis of expanded accomplishment struc
tures explicitly specifies these arguments as part of the verbal structure, as
shown in the LS for (27).
(27) a. Adam broke the hammer into pieces.
b. [do' (Adam)] CAUSE [[BECOME broken' (hammer)] &
[BECOME exist' (pieces)]]^6
Both hammer and pieces must be considered arguments of the verb inas
much as they are specified by predicates, broken' and exist', in LS. Adding
a locative argument to this structure (Adam broke the hammer into pieces
against the concrete) would presume a CAUSE [BECOME be-at' (con-