PREPOSITION ASSIGNMENT IN ENGLISH^285crete,hammer)] structure on the left of CAUSE. The addition of an effec
tor/instrument (with an axe) would posit a CAUSE [BECOME be-at'
(hammer, axe)] structure to the left of the main CAUSE. Clearly, the dis
tinctions between prepositional classes hinge on the relationship presup
posed between semantic and syntactic valence. Whether or not a given
preposition is regarded as argument-marking (Class 1) depends upon the
boundaries presupposed for verbal subcategorization frames. The decom
posed semantic structures of verbs developed by Dowty and FVV illumi
nate the argument structures of verbs so that the relationship between the
semantic valence of a fully elaborated verb and its syntactic valence in a
specific context is made explicit.
Another set of accomplishment verbs which this analysis treats as max
imally expandable are motion accomplishments, as illustrated in sentence
(28).
(28) Rita walked to the store.
The syntactic valence of the verb here is two, where Rita = agent (by impli-
cature)-theme and store = locative-goal. Walk, which is lexically an activity
verb, has a semantic valence of one, as an activity verb. Our analysis
regards motion accomplishments as four-place relations in semantic struc
ture, where the verbal arguments are agent-theme, locative-source, loca
tive-path, and locative-goal, as maximally specified in sentence (29).
(29) a. Rita walked from the school through the park to the store.
b. [walk' (Rita)])] CAUSE [[BECOME NOT be-at' (school,
Rita)] & [BECOME be-via' (park, Rita)] & [BECOME be
at' (store, Rita)]]
Syntactically, only two arguments need be specified in a motion
accomplishment structure: an agent-theme and a source or goal.^7 Semanti-
cally, all motion accomplishment verbs have a maximum valence of four.
Transfer accomplishment verbs like buy and sell are similar, with only agent
and theme minimally necessary and a source (buy) or goal (sell) as an
optional expansion. Maximal expansion cannot occur with activities (note
that an activity such as walk becomes an accomplishment with a CAUSE
[BECOME] structure once a source or goal is added) or statives. In fact,
the marginal acceptability of a sentence such as (30) is based on the fact
that the stative condition of hunger in this sentence is interpreted as a stage-
level stative^8 which allows a process reading, just as extend is a stage-level
stative, allowing a process interpretation in sentence (31).