352 LAURA Α. MICHAELIS
two-place Stative predicates which sanction the marked linkage and their
corresponding three-place accomplishment predicate. NMC stands for non-
macrorole core argument and ellipses in the LSs of accomplishments indi
cate the regions containing the LSs of the corresponding statives.
The principles governing marked and unmarked linkage can also
account for the alternate case-patterns of variable-valence verbs. A verb of
this type is exemplified in these data: the accomplishment predicate dono "I
give," whose alternate realizations are given in (le) and (14c). Its lexical
representation, as seen above, is the following, in which, as predicted,
x=effector, y=locative, and z=theme:
dono: [do' (x)] CAUSE [BECOME have' (y,z)]
Rather than having to posit two lexical entries for this verb — one in which
the theme is realized as ablative and the locative as accusative, the other in
which the theme is realized as accusative and the locative as dative — we
need only state that dono allows, but does not require, the marked linking
of locative to U. The linking producing the "normal" case pattern of (le)
has been discussed above: the effector links to A (and hence to PrP), the
theme outranks the locative for U and hence appears in the accusative, and
the locative, as a non-macrorole core argument, is coded by the dative. In
the other instance, exemplified in (14c), the effector again links to A, and
hence to PrP. The locative argument, however, links to U, in violation of
the A/U hierarchy. The case of the theme is then realized as ablative, in
accordance with principle (26). Hence, the general case-marking algorithm
of (24), supplemented by the marked-linkage coding principle of (26),
allows a single lexical entry to account for both of the case patterns
associated with this predicate.
We might now give some consideration to the somewhat puzzling fact
that verbs of dearth and abundance (both stative and causative) license
identical case-patterns, in which the outranked theme appears in the abla
tive. English, where it permits the marked linking, gives distinctive case-
marking to the outranked themes of removal verbs and transfer verbs: the
former is assigned the preposition with, the latter the preposition of (Foley
& Van Valin 1984, Jolly, this volume). Nonetheless, given the RRG lexical
decomposition system, the fact that Latin does not overtly distinguish
between these two types of themes is not a suprising as it may seem. The
general LS for statives of abundance given here is be-at' (x,y), and, as seen,
the general LS for verbs of lacking differs from this only by the presence of