394 MARY L. NUNES
(25) a. * the invention [of EdisonCL.A]
b. the invention [of the light bulbCL-U]
c. *the destruction [of the enemyCL.A]
d. the destruction [of the cityCL-U
e. * the breaking [of KayCL_A]
f. the breaking [of the glassCL-U]
g. * the deletion [of the judge CL,A]
h. the deletion [of the CL-U] (from the jury duty roster)
i. *the loading [of BethCL_A]
j. the loading [of the truckCL-U] (with hay)
k. the loading [of the hayCL-U] (on the truck)
- the amusement [of the newsCL_A]
m. the amusement [of Sa CL-U] at/with the news
n. *the depression [of the air pressureCL_A]
o. the depression [of the leverCL-U]
Two other ACM vNs, entry and entrance, invite some discussion.
Related to the verb enter, these vNs are able to head constructions based on
the following LS.
(26) [do' (x)] CAUSE [BECOME be-in' (y, ζ)] χ = ef, = loc, ζ = th
What is noteworthy about enter and its vN derivatives stems from the way
in which the thematic relations given in (26) are in some cases instantiated.
To wit, there is not always a one-to-one relation between NP arguments
and thematic relations. Only in (27a), for example, does such a one-to-one
relation define the argument structure of the clausal predicate; in (27b,c),
the three thematic roles are divided between only two NP arguments.
(27) a. Sueef entered the notationth in the minutesloc.
b. The toreador'ef.th entered the arenaloc.
The burglaref_th entered the houseloc.
Significantly, the divergent instantiation of the three thematic roles affects
direct argument linking in the nominals which are verbally related to these
clauses. Before turning to a discussion of such linking, however, it is essen
tial to see how the arguments in the examples given in (27) fall out on the
Α-U Hierarchy.
- the amusement [of the newsCL_A]