Advances in Role and Reference Grammar

(^396) MARY L. NUNES
dative vNs having access to clausally-employed case markers (cf. the discus­
sion of clausal case-markers in 2.3.1), it is the argument bearing the lowest-
ranking thematic relation which is treated as the U in the vNP.
As was noted above and is exemplified so clearly with the three- vs.
two-argument vN-derivatives of enter, this difference between the hierar­
chical prioritization of the English clause vs. the English vNP can have
ramifications for the vN direct-argument linking prediction where a one-to-
one relation does not obtain between the thematic roles encoded in a V/vN
LS and the NP arguments bearing those roles in the clause and vNP. Speci­
fically, where the dual relation of an argument causes it to be linked to the
A in the clause but be treated as the U in the vNP, as occurs with the effec­
tor-theme arguments in (31), the U > A prediction cannot hold. Where no
arguments bear dual thematic relations (cf. 30), such that no conflict arises
between clausal and nominal hierarchical preferences — by far the more
common case — the prediction holds.
(30) One-to-one relation between thematic roles and NP arguments
a. SueCL-A:[of entered the notationCL-U:th in the minutesloc.
b. the entry [of the notationCL-U:th] in the minutesloc by SueCL_A. ef
c. the entry [of SueCL_A. ef] (of) the notationCL-U:th in the
minutesloc
(31) Highest-ranking and lowest-ranking thematic relation borne by
one NP argument:
a. The toreadorCL_A. ef_th entered the arenaCL-U: loc.
b. the jubilant entrance [of the arenaCL-U: loc] by the toreadorCL_A.
ef-.h^18
c. the jubilant entrance [of the toreadorCL_A: ef.th] (into the
arenax)
d. The burglar CLA. ef.th entered the houseCL-U: loc.
e. *the surreptitious entry [of the houseCL-U: loc.] by the burglarCL
A: ef-th
f. the surreptitous entry [of the burglarCL_A. ef_th] (into the
houseloc)
As exceptions to RRG's U > A direct-argument linking prediction, the
two-argument derivatives of enter offer a clear example of the accusative vs.
ergative hierarchical preferences established in the English clause and the
non-activity English vNP, respectively (cf. discussion in 2.2.2).