Advances in Role and Reference Grammar

A SYNOPSIS OF ROLE AND REFERENCE GRAMMAR 53

b. *Jih ji-jak geu-peuréksa lé dokto.

3sG -go -examine by doctor

"(S)he went to be examined by the doctor."

c. Gopnyan geu-jak (*geu-)éh

3SG -go lie. down

"(S)he went to lie down."

d. * Gopnyan geu-jak teungeut(-geuh).

3SG -go sleep(-3u)

"(S)he went to sleep."

In each of these constructions, the coding of one of the arguments of the
dependent core is omitted, and in every case it is the actor. It makes no dif­
ference whether the verb is transitive or intransitive, as in (30a,c), (31a,c)
and (32c,d), and this is particularly significant, since it shows that there is
no neutralization of the actor-undergoer opposition with intransitive verbs.
This is also true for imperatives; it is possible to form an imperative only
with a verb that takes an actor, as in (33).

(33) a. (Neu-)jak keudéh!

(2A-)go to. there

"Go there!"

b. * Teungeut(-neuh)!

sleep(-2u)

"Sleep!"

Thus a general notion of syntactic subject subsuming the subject of transi­
tive verbs and the single argument of intransitive verbs is inappropriate for
these Acehnese constructions; rather, the restriction can simply be stated in
terms of the notion of actor, without reference to transitivity or any non-
semantic syntactic relation.
There are also constructions in Acehnese in which the relevant restric­
tion is stated in terms of undergoer, rather than actor (or subject). Posses­
sor ascension is illustrated in (34), and resultative verb constructions are
exemplified in (35).
(34) a. Seunang até Ion
happy liver ISG
"I am happy." (lit: "My liver is happy.")