Advances in Sociophonetics

(Darren Dugan) #1

44 Bernard Laks, Basilio Calderone and Chiara Celata


for /z/ and /n/ than for /t/, as was the group of lexical environments occupying
the head positions. Table 2 shows that the alveolar stop is the least represented
consonant if one considers the 30 most frequent environments; however, the same
holds true even if one considers the tail of the curve. In sum, the body and the tail
of the curve do not reveal any significant difference in the distribution of liaison
environments across consonant categories.
From this analysis we can conclude that the tendency towards the power-laws
distribution that we have observed over the whole repository of forms remains sta-
ble overall even if we consider different phonological contexts of enacted liaisons
separately. There are however some idiosyncrasies in the head zone related to the
fact that the nasal is the liaison consonant occupying the five highest positions in
the frequency curve, and in particular, the lexical environments including on + a,
est, avait, était stand out because of their enormous number of occurrences in the
corpus. This distributional bias accounts for the particular behaviour of the nasal
consonant in the head zone, compared to /z/ and /t/.

3.3 Distributional analysis of liaison types according to age
and educational level

By considering the productions of different groups of speakers we wanted to ver-
ify whether any of the liaison environments is specific to any group of speakers
in such a way that the general picture of the power-laws distribution disappears
when liaison is analysed with respect to particular subsets of linguistic use. These
subsets are defined here in terms of some basic, broadly conceived sociolinguistic
factors, that could in principle influence the linguistic behavior of the speakers
with respect to the production of liaison (see above, §1, for some background
on sociolinguistic variability in the production of French liaison). As specified
above, we took age as a typical sociolinguistic factor generally considered to influ-
ence non-obligatory liaison production. On the contrary, educational level was
included in the analysis because it represents a factor which is still poorly investi-
gated. As for age, we divided the PFC speakers into two groups: those aged 50 or
below, and those older than 50. We are conscious of the fact that this bipartition is
not as fine-grained as a sociophonological inquiry would require, but there were
limitations in the distribution of the PFC speakers across the different age classes
that forced us to adopt such a neat bipartition. As for educational level, we created
three groups of speakers: those with up to 14 years of scholastic education (‘low’
educational level henceforth), those with up to 18 years (‘intermediate’ educational
level) and those with up to 24 years (‘high’ educational level).
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