The Wall St.Journal 28Feb2020

(Ben Green) #1

A14| Friday, February 28, 2020 THE WALL STREET JOURNAL.


The Popular Vote Compact Would Be a Mess


Michael Steele’s defense of the Na-
tional Popular Vote Interstate Com-
pact (NPVIC) is misguided (“Virginia
Isn’t Trashing the Electoral College,”
Letters, Feb. 21). Under the compact,
signatory states would have to allo-
cate their electoral votes to the candi-
date who wins a plurality (not a ma-
jority) of the national popular vote.
Even so, the compact is a recipe
for disaster. Compact supporters
seem to assume that presidential
races will continue to be dominated
by two candidates, one of whom will
get, if not a popular majority, at least
a plurality above 40%—thus showing
some national support. But the Elec-
toral College, as it now works (with a
winner-take-all system in all but two
states), is one reason we’ve had two
dominant parties. If the national pop-
ular vote controls the outcome, we
can expect several candidates with a
chance of winning to be on the No-
vember ballot. We could have a “win-
ner” with only, say, 30% (and maybe
even less) of the popular vote, and he
or she could be someone unaccept-
able to the rest of the electorate.
That’s crazy. It’s like being declared
the “winner” of a presidential pri-
mary with 25% of the vote.
Another problem with the compact
is that when the popular vote is close,
a national recount would be neces-
sary. With the Electoral College, re-
counts are typically required in at
most a few states; the college gener-
ally provides a clear winner. With the
compact, however, the ballots in ev-
ery precinct in the country would re-
quire rechecking. Does Mr. Steele re-
ally wantBush v. Goreon steroids?
EM.PROF.ERIKM.JENSEN
Case Western Reserve University
Cleveland

As your editorial “Will Virginia
Drop the Electoral College?” (Feb. 18)
correctly notes, the scheme is indeed
an “end run” around the Electoral
College, but even worse, it’s a stalk-

ing horse for its abolition. The mas-
sive financial interests behind this
scheme readily admit that their ulti-
mate goal is indeed its abolition. The
NPVIC bill itself even promises to
withdraw its scheme once its goal is
achieved and the Electoral College is
“terminated” (Section IV of the
scheme).
State legislators considering such a
scheme would do well to heed the
words of John F. Kennedy, who in his
now famous 1956 Senate speech de-
fending the Electoral College warned
that abrogating the Electoral College
“would break down the federal sys-
tem under which most states entered
the union, which provides a system of
checks and balances to insure that no
group or area shall obtain too much
power.”
PROF.ROBERTHARDAWAY
University of Denver

The compact makes no provision
for the will of the state’s voters at all.
I live in Virginia, and what the com-
pact’s proponents seek to do is to
outsource my vote to California and
New York City—whose margins for
Hillary Clinton provided the entirety
of the difference in popular-vote to-
tals in 2016. No, thanks. It’s an uncon-
stitutional power grab, and it’s dis-
honest to suggest otherwise.
MICHAELG.YOUNG
Fredericksburg, Va.

Mr. Steele seems to approve trash-
ing our Constitution. Article I, Sec-
tion 10 says: “No state shall...enter
into any Agreement or Compact with
another State.”

I can’t think of any better reason
not to destroy the Electoral College
system than to have two white, male,
East Coast, New York billionaires run
against each other for president of
the U.S.
ELIZABETHB.WATSON
Greenville, S.C.

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR


Letters intended for publication should
be addressed to: The Editor, 1211 Avenue
of the Americas, New York, NY 10036,
or emailed to [email protected]. Please
include your city and state. All letters
are subject to editing, and unpublished
letters can be neither acknowledged nor
returned.
“And were you looking
to recline during the flight?”

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

Drug Lobby Fights Tide of History on Prices


“The Drug Lobby Loses Potency
With Lawmakers” (Page One, Feb. 20)
is timely and insightful. My wife has
multiple sclerosis and takes a dis-
ease-modifying therapy drug de-
signed to slow the progression of MS
that costs $7,500 a month. Even with
insurance, our family’s annual cost
for this one drug is over $8,000.
Medications can change lives only if
people can affordably access them. I
volunteer with the National Multiple
Sclerosis Society so I can help tell the
stories of the one million people in
the U.S. impacted by this disease and
the high cost of drugs used to treat
it. Over 200 volunteers will be on
Capitol Hill in March so our elected
representatives can hear these stories
and not just what the Pharmaceutical

Research and Manufacturers of Amer-
ica (PhRMA) lobbyists tell them.
GREGMILLIGAN
Acworth, Ga.

While PhRMA is doing its best to
stop any bills from advancing, its
deep pockets are running headlong
into overwhelming calls for change.
The plain fact is Americans pay
among the highest prices for pre-
scription drugs in the world. A bipar-
tisan solution exists in the Grassley-
Wyden Prescription Drug Pricing
Reduction Act, and we urge the Sen-
ate to vote on it and get a bill to
President Trump.
JOHNHISHTA
AARP
Washington

Pepper ...
And Salt

Slavery Was a Dystopic Form of Socialism


Regarding Jason L. Riley’s “A Bid
to Revise the New York Times’s Bad
History” (Upward Mobility, Feb. 19):
Slavery was always a curse, never a
boon, for the U.S. economy, though it
certainly enriched slaveholders.
Slaves made important contributions,
but slavery itself grossly depressed
their productivity, and the productiv-
ity of many whites, as became abun-
dantly clear when the freed slaves
did more than their fair share to spur
the record U.S. economic growth of

the post-Civil War period.
Slavery was a dystopic form of so-
cialism where slaves faced 100% taxa-
tion and received compensation only
“according to their needs,” as deter-
mined by slaveholders. The end of
slavery eliminated these horrible dis-
incentives and inefficiencies, and can
be viewed as the largest, most suc-
cessful targeted tax cut in U.S. his-
tory. America succeeded despite slav-
ery, not because of it, and only began
to hit its stride when slaves were
free at last.
Much of the confusion about slav-
ery stems from the erroneous as-
sumption that the economy is a zero-
sum system. We’ll never know just
how much talent was squandered un-
der the oppression of slavery. Eco-
nomics is more about cooperation
than competition; human wealth is
inherently shared and generally mag-
nified every time one of us freely
sells, buys or invests. Slavery, which
sabotaged full-scale cooperation,
wasted tremendous abilities, was in-
deed a horrifying curse. Yet, the
slaves and their progeny, have been a
tremendous blessing.
PROF.TOMTACKER
Embry–Riddle Aeronautical University
Daytona Beach, Fla.

Many of Canada’s Native
People Support Gas Pipeline
Michael Taube’s “Pipeline Foes Try
to Shut Canada Down” (op-ed, Feb.
20) raises an interesting question and
shows the shortsightedness of some
environmentalists. First, the Indige-
nous Peoples of British Columbia
have two ruling bodies—the band
councils, led by democratically
elected people, and the hereditary
chiefs. Nineteen of the 20 democrati-
cally elected councils of the relevant
bands have approved the pipeline and
one hasn’t taken a position. Question:
Who are you in favor of, 19 democrat-
ically elected councils or five heredi-
tary chiefs? Second, the pipeline is
being built to provide natural gas to
the LNG Canada project, which will
process and send LNG to Asia, includ-
ing China. If China, one of the largest
threats to the climate due to its huge
number of coal-fired power plants,
has more natural gas, it won’t need to
build as many coal-fired plants, lead-
ing to less pollutants. Do you want
less global warming? Natural gas may
not be the answer long term, but it
sure is better than coal.
RICHARDFAUSETT
Rancho Mirage, Calif.

The Coronavirus Isn’t Partisan


H


ouse Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate
Minority Leader Chuck Schumer
opened a joint statement Thursday on
federal coronavirus policy
with this line: “Lives are at
stake—this is not the time for
name-calling or playing poli-
tics.” As the saying goes, in-
teresting if true. The evidence
so far of bipartisan coopera-
tion in response to the virus isn’t promising.
Actually, it’s depressing.
In the 48 hours before the Pelosi-Schumer
call for an end to name-calling, Rep. Alexandria
Ocasio-Cortez mocked Vice President Mike
Pence, named by President Trump to lead the
government’s response, as a science denier.
Elizabeth Warren tweeted that the Administra-
tion’s “bungled response to the coronavirus
outbreak is a mess.” Mike Bloomberg, the self-
described adult in the room, chimed in that
leadership is “sharing the facts, demonstrating
control and trusting the experts. Unfortunately,
not Trump’s strong suit.”
It’s not clear yet whether the Covid-19 virus
will become a significant public-health crisis in
the United States, but it’s not too soon to recog-
nize that Washington is already terminally ill
with political delirium. Sen. Schumer, almost
at the same moment he was joining Speaker
Pelosi in a plea to stop playing politics, went
onto the floor of the Senate to re-rip into Mr.
Trump, recycling his “towering and dangerous
incompetence” line.
At his coronavirus news conference, Wednes-
day evening, Mr. Trump was joined by Anne
Schuchat of the Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention and Anthony Fauci of the National
Institutes of Health. These are the government
officials expected to plan and execute the U.S.
response to the virus. Addressing the challenge,
Dr. Schuchat said, America’s “aggressive con-
tainment strategy has been working and is re-
sponsible for the low levels of cases that we have
so far.” She said we should expect more cases
and now is the time to prepare.
That is essentially what Mr. Trump said as
he answered the press’s questions. By and large,
Mr. Trump did a fairly straightforward job of
addressing the medical and administrative chal-
lenges whose outlines are obviously far from
clear. His job as head of the executive branch


is to warn the public to be prepared while reas-
suring the public that there’s no reason to
panic. That’s what we heard him trying to do
even if it included some of his
trademark bragging about his
Administration’s perfor-
mance.
Yes, along the way he also
got off a few shots at Mrs.
Pelosi and Mr. Schumer when
the press baited him with questions about
their criticisms. But we hope we’re not the
only ones taken aback at the level of partisan
vitriol getting poured over how to respond to
the coronavirus.
We suppose it’s to be expected that Members
of Congress would default to arguing over coro-
navirus spending levels, parsing whether the
right amount is $2.5 billion, $4 billion or $8 bil-
lion. Offering his own ideas on the Senate floor,
Sen. Schumer said “affordable” vaccines should
be “available to all who need them,” and few
would disagree with that.
But first the scientific community will have
to better understand the nature of the virus, its
ability to spread, and whether in fact it consti-
tutes an extraordinary threat to the American
people requiring extreme containment mea-
sures. Dr. Fauci said at the White House that we
don’t even know whether the virus could sur-
vive the warmer months and reappear next
year. He said they’re working faster than they
ever have on developing and testing a vaccine
that would be ready if it returns.
It’s a big challenge, but getting those an-
swers right won’t be any easier if the coronavi-
rus becomes no different than any of the other
political footballs kicked constantly around the
capital these days. Here’s a thought: Maybe we
in the media should spend more time talking to
the experts who know something and less time
quoting politicians who know almost nothing
about the virus but see potential gain in exploit-
ing a health crisis.
Here’s another suggestion we’ve heard for
Mr. Trump to reassure Americans: Fly to a quar-
antine site or a hospital treating virus patients,
don a protective suit if need be, and meet with
the ill or the sequestered. Especially coming
from the germ-phobic President, this would be
an act of leadership even Chuck Schumer would
have a hard time attacking.

Maybe we should


quarantine Capitol Hill


until the crisis passes.


The BlackRock Backlash


B


lackRock manages some $7.4 trillion in
financial assets, and CEO Larry Fink has
been flexing his influence by ordering
companies to follow his polit-
ical dictates on social justice
and climate issues. In the pro-
cess he may be putting Black-
Rock and other asset manag-
ers in the political dock.
The Securities and Ex-
change Commission has solicited public com-
ment on two proposed rules that would reform
corporate proxy voting. One would require
more transparency from proxy advisory firms
that vote shares for institutional investors;
Glass Lewis and Institutional Shareholder Ser-
vices control 97% of the advisory market. The
other rule would disqualify ballot resolutions
that an overwhelming majority of shareholders
repeatedly reject. Both are intended to make
public ownership less onerous and less vulner-
able to manipulation by special interests.
Now comes the American Securities Asso-
ciation (ASA), which says in a public comment
on the proposed SEC rules that big asset man-
agers like BlackRock deserve scrutiny too.
The ASA represents retail investors. Passive
index equity funds comprise more than half
of the $8.5 trillion in U.S. equity funds, and
nine in 10 public companies count BlackRock,
Vanguard or State Street as their largest
shareholder.
One ASA concern is what it calls “groupthink”
among asset managers, proxy firms and pension


funds. Many now vote in lockstep on environ-
mental, social and governance (ESG) issues.
Consider Mr. Fink’s letter to CEOs last month
threatening to vote against
corporate directors who don’t
disclose ESG risks. State Street
and pension funds have issued
similar warnings. “We believe
that the horizontal control
BlackRock and State Street ex-
ert over the U.S. equity market should alarm the
SEC and antitrust authorities at the Department
of Justice,” ASA writes.
The Federal Trade Commission and Euro-
pean competition authorities are investigating
whether “common ownership” by asset manag-
ers of public companies in the same industry
reduces competition. There is little evidence
for this, but antitrust regulators may have a
stronger case if asset managers vote the same
way on ESG issues for all companies.
ASA also suggests that the federal Financial
Stability Oversight Council (FSOC) “examine the
impact the homogenization of corporate gover-
nance standards has on financial stability.” Dur-
ing the Obama years FSOC considered regulat-
ing asset managers as “systemically important
financial institutions” like big banks.
Asset managers manage more money than
the big banks, and ASA asks: “If their stan-
dards turn out to be wrong and contribute to
a large number of corporate failures, what im-
pact will that have on our financial markets?”
Would Mr. Fink care to respond?

Larry Fink’s political


machinations invite


regulatory scrutiny.


Bernie Sanders’s Ejection Fraction


D


espite his heart attack last fall, Bernie
Sanders has not released detailed medi-
cal records, the way John McCain did in


  1. Rather, Mr. Sanders has
    posted doctor’s notes attesting
    to his vitality. One example of
    what’s missing, an NBC report
    noted this week, is a metric of
    heart health called “left ven-
    tricular ejection fraction.”
    This figure indicates what proportion of the
    blood in the left ventricle is being pumped out
    during each heart beat. Sixty percent is consid-
    ered normal, says the American College of Cardi-
    ology (ACC). Around 45% would be mild dysfunc-
    tion, and 35% would be moderate dysfunction.
    The measure generally correlates with patient
    outcomes.
    The letters from Mr. Sanders’s cardiologists
    don’t provide it. They offer no hard data at all.
    Everything is characterized in careful language.
    After a blockage in his coronary artery, Mr.
    Sanders “did suffer modest heart muscle dam-
    age,” but thanks to the placement of two stents
    he “has made an uneventful recovery.” Experts
    have to read between the lines.
    What might a low ejection fraction suggest?
    “We do know that after a myocardial infarction,
    after a heart attack, that a lower ejection frac-
    tion does connote increased risk over the subse-
    quent years,” says Hadley Wilson, an ACC trustee
    and a cardiologist with the Sanger Heart and


Vascular Institute. But it isn’t simple, Dr. Wilson
adds, to quantify the absolute risk.
There aren’t any agreed-upon guidelines for
that. Also, people are different.
A lower-than-typical number
isn’t always perilous, accord-
ing to Dr. Wilson: “The clinical
response is much more impor-
tant than the isolated number
of the ejection fraction.”
The good news is Mr. Sanders’s doctors say
he’s “entirely asymptomatic.” Watching him de-
bate on TV for two hours, the phrase that comes
to mind is not “shortness of breath.” Still, there’s
a reason that previous presidential candidates,
especially older ones with a history of health is-
sues, have provided more information.
Fellow 78-year-old Mike Bloomberg released
his ejection fraction on Thursday. Mr. Bloomberg
underwent stent placement in 2000 but never
had a heart attack. His ejection fraction was nor-
mal, 60% to 65%, during a test last summer, his
physician said in a letter passed to the press. A
Bloomberg spokesman challenged Mr. Sanders
to “ask his doctor to do the same.”
So far, Mr. Sanders has been reluctant. “We
released the full report of that heart attack,” he
said last week. Not quite. The real data, includ-
ing the ejection fraction, might be excellent, and
we hope so. But before Americans put him in the
Oval Office through 2024, when he’ll turn 83,
they deserve a closer look.

He says he released a


‘full report’ of his heart


attack. Not quite.


REVIEW & OUTLOOK


OPINION

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