Co-occurrence of affixes 121
(85) Ana'-eng Rina ta-pa-tedhung Ita.
child-DEF Rina IN-CS-sleep Ita
‘Ita put Rina’s baby to bed by mistake.’
In (84), tangabas ‘see accidentally’ shows the order ta- then ng- and in (85) the
involitive precedes the causative. Additionally, for some speakers, the object
voice can combine with the involitive and causative so that (86) is an acceptable
variant of (85).
(86) Ana'-eng Rina e-ta-pa-tedhung Ita.
child-DEF Rina OV-IN-CS-sleep Ita
‘Ita put Rina’s baby to bed by mistake.’
The causative combines with the largest variety of affixes. First, causa-
tives can take transitive verb stems with actor voice morphology, as in (87) and
(88).^8
(87) Ebu' ma-ngerra' Marlena rote.
mother AV.CS-AV.slice Marlena bread
‘Mother made Marlena slice the bread.’
(88) Bapa' ma-nyapo Bambang kamar-ra.
father AV.CS-AV.sweep Bambang room-DEF
‘Father made Bambang sweep his room.’
The composition of the predicates in (87-88) is ng + pa + ng +V, with the first
actor voice morpheme inflecting the causative and the second the verb root.
The causative can occasionally combine with an inchoative so that the
object is caused to change its state by some action of the subject, as in (89).
(89) Dhari santa'-na se mokol sampe' ma-ka-lengnger moso-na.
from fast-DEF REL AV.hit until AV.CS-KA-dizzy enemy-DEF
‘Due to his hard punching, he knocked out his opponent.’
Here the root lengnger ‘dizzy’ takes the resultative morpheme ka- deriving ka-
lengnger ‘faint/collapse’. The causative morpheme pa- is affixed to derive pa-
kalengnger ‘knock out’.
The causative morpheme also cooccurs with some of the clitics, including
the collective bareng (90) and the directional ka ‘to’ (91).
(^8) Not all speakers are comfortable with the sentences in (87-88). This and other issues
relating to causative are considered in Chapter 9, section 6.