122 Chapter 4 Morphology
(90) Guru-na ma-bareng-berka' Ali so Bambang.
teachder-DEF AV.CS-COLL-run Ali with Bambang
‘The teacher made Ali and Bambang run together.’
(91) Guru-na ma-ka-lowar red-mored.
teachder-DEF AV.CS-to-out RED-student
‘The teacher made the students go outside.’
Here both bareng ‘together’ and ka ‘to’ follow the causative morpheme. Other
clitics showing the same distribution with the causative morpheme include the
distributive/reciprocal morphemes saleng and patang, padha ‘same, equal’, and
the negative clitics ta' and lo'. (See Chapter 3 section 2.10 for more on clitics.)
In the case of some clitics, the placement in relation to the causative is relatively
flexible. For example, in (92), in which the predicate is in the object voice, the
negative clitic lo’ can occur in any of three positions.^9
(92) a. Ali e-pa-lo'-a-lako bi' jaragan-na.
Ali OV-CS-not-AV-work by boss-DEF
‘His boss didn’t let Ali work.’
b. Ali e-lo'-pa-lako bi' jaragan-na.^10
Ali OV-not-CS.AV-work by boss-DEF
‘His boss didn’t let Ali work.’
c. Ali lo' e-pa-lako bi' jaragan-na.
Ali not OV-CS.AV-work by boss-DEF
‘His boss didn’t let Ali work.’
In (92a), the negative morpheme (in bold) immediately precedes the verb stem
alako ‘work (actor voice)’ and immediately follows the causative. In (92b), lo'
immediately precedes the causative morpheme and follows the object voice e-.
In (92c), the negative occurs before the entire inflected stem epalako ‘be made
to work’. These sentences are truth-conditionally equivalent, despite the differ-
ent ordering of morphemes. (See Chapter 10 section 3.5 for further discussion
of the structural variations in causatives.)
The negative clitic exhibits similar behavior with the prefix ka-, (93).
(^9) The negative clitic ta' exhibits precisely the same behavior which would be expected as
ta' and lo' are simply dialectal variants.
(^10) The actor voice morpheme a in (92b,c) coalesces with the causative morpheme by a
regular morphophonological process.