Co-occurrence of affixes 123
(93) a. Oreng se sumengnget e-ka-ta'-lebur-i oreng.
person REL sullen OV-KA-not-like-LOC person
‘People don’t like a sullen person.’
b. Oreng se sumengnget ta' e-ka-lebur-i oreng.
person REL sullen not OV-KA-like-LOC person
‘People don’t like a sullen person.’
In (93a) (from Stevens 1968), the negative morpheme ta' follows the inchoative
while in (93b) ta’ precedes the entire inflected predicate. Again, the two sen-
tences are truth-functionally equivalent.
As regards suffixes, there are no restrictions on suffixes occurring with
the definite -na. It occurs, naturally, with the nominalizing suffix -an and cir-
cumfixes ending in -an. It also occurs with -agi (94) and locative -e (95) in
process nominals.
(94) Pa-maca'-agi-na mored rowa lancar.
NOM-AV.read-BEN-DEF student that fluent
‘That student’s reading for someone was fluent.’
(95) Pa-noles-e-na Ali ceppet.
NOM-AV.write-LOC-DEF Ali fast
‘Ali’es writing on something was fast.’
Cooccurrence among purely verbal suffixes is tightly constrained. The
irrealis can occur with -agi (96), locative -e (97), durative -e (98) and iterative
- an (99). (Recall from section 1.1.11, that there is a special morphophonemic
rule that applies to the string e + a, deriving ana, as in (97) and (98).)
(96) Hasan melle-yagi-na na'-kana' permen.
Hasan AV.buy-BEN-IRR RED-child candy
‘Hasan will buy the kids candy.’
(97) Siti nyaba'-a-na meja buku.
Siti AV.put-LOC-IRR table book
‘Siti will put the book on the table.’
(98) Ali mokol-a-na maleng.
Ali AV.hit-DUR-IRR thief
‘Ali will hit the thief for a while.’