126 Chapter 4 Morphology
(104) a. kamma ‘where’ kamma-n ‘where’ (no change in meaning)
b. barampa ‘how many’ pan-barampa-n ‘several’
c. ella ‘already’ sa-'-ella-na ‘after’ (free variation
with sa-ella-na)
In (104a), the n suffixed to the root kamma ‘where’ results in no change in
meaning and occurs in free variation with the bare root. Conversely, in the re-
duplicated form pan-barampan ‘several’, the n extension is obligatory and par-
ticipates in a change in meaning. (104c) provides an example of the glottal stop
extension in sa'ellana ‘after’. In this instance there is change in meaning and the
form occurs in free variation with the form saellana.
The extension n occurs frequently with the use of verbal affixes. For in-
stance, verb roots ending in vowels and taking the locative suffix -e or the irrea-
lis suffix -a frequently occur with the extension, possibly as one means of
avoiding a sequence of two vowels. In the sentence in (105), there are two in-
stances of this.
(105) Pas e-duka-n-e e-pate-n-a. Makke pottre-na la
then OV-angry-n-LOC OV-die-n-IRR even though daughter-DEF already
a-ra-sapora dha' rama-na, rato paggun duka, paggun ng-amok.
AV-RED-sorry to father-DEF king still angry still AV-amok
‘He was angry and was going to kill her. Even though his daughter had
apologized to her father, the king was still angry, still going wild.’
In the first sentence in (105), there are two instances of the extension n, one in
the transitivized object voice form of duka ‘angry’, and the other in the object
voice form for ‘kill’ in the irrealis, which also occurs as epate'a. In these two
instances, the extension occurs between two vowels, so there may be some pho-
nological explanation for their appearance, despite the fact that they are option-
al.
The free variation also occurs in the case of -n and certain suffixes. Ver-
bal suffixes ending in phonemic /e/ frequently take this extension, e.g. both the
locative and durative -e and the suffix -agi. Again, at times it seems to be pho-
nologically motivated, to break up a V+V sequence. However, it also occurs
with no apparent phonological conditioning. In neither case is there any effect
on meaning. For example, -n occurs with -agi in the sentences in (106) and
(107).
(106) Edhing-agi-n!
hear-AGI-n
‘Listen!’