Complementation 345
(46) Bid-abid-da rato pas mereng ana’ bine’-eng tong-settong-nga jareya
RED-long-DEF king then AV-hear daughter-DEF RED-one-DEF this
ngandung.
AV.pregnant
‘Eventually, the king heard that his daughter was pregnant.’
The complements of some predicates never occur with the subordinating
conjunctions ja' or mon. These include aspectual predicates, such as molae
‘start’ (47), and predicates that generally impose coreference restrictions be-
tween the complement subject and a matrix argument, such as larang ‘prevent’
(48).
(47) Hasan molae a-berse'-e motor-ra Wati.
Hasan start AV-clean-LOC car-DEF Wati
‘Hasan began to clean Wati’s car.’
(48) Guru rowa a-larang red-mored maca ku-buku-na
teacher that AV-present RED-student AV.read RED-book-DEF^
naleka-na badha pang-ajar-an.
moment-DEF exist NOM-study
‘The teacher prevented the students from reading their books during the
lesson.’
Aspectual predicates such as molae ‘start’ are detailed in section 5 and predi-
cates such as larang ‘prevent’ are treated in section 4 on control.
These morphosyntactic properties of predicates align roughly with seman-
tic classes of predicates as well. Thus, verbs of communication, verbs of cogni-
tion and mental state, and some others fall into the class of verbs that take com-
plements with optional complementizers. Verbs of persuasion and manipulation
and verbs of desire generally disallow complementizers and require coreference
of one of their arguments and the actor of the complement clause, that is, they
occur in a control structure. Aspectual predicates generally behave as a class
with properties distinct from the other categories (as discussed in section 5).
Predicates taking sentential subjects are generally evaluative intransitive predi-
cates and causative verbs of emotional state. Samples of each category are given
in (49-52).
(49) Verbs taking complements with optional complementizer (ja'/mon)
bala ‘say’
bukteyagi ‘prove’
enga' ‘remember’
janji ‘promise’
kabarragi ‘spread the news’