Long-distance questions 453
5. Long-distance questions
There are multiple strategies for questioning a dependent of an embedded
clause. This is illustrated in the synonymous sentences in (60).^3
(60) a. Hasan a-bala dha' Atin ja' Siti maca apa?
Hasan AV-say to Atin COMP Siti AV.read what
‘What did Hasan tell Atin that Siti read?’
b. Hasan a-bala dha' Atin apa se e-baca Siti?^4
Hasan AV-say to Atin what REL OV-read Siti
‘What did Hasan tell Atin that Siti read?’
c. Apa se e-bala'-agi Hasan dha' Atin e-baca Siti?
what REL OV-say-AGI Hasan to Atin OV-read Siti
‘What did Hasan tell Atin that Siti read?’
In each sentence in (60), the interrogative phrase apa ‘what’ occurs in a differ-
ent position. In (60a), it remains in situ in the complement clause. In (60b), it
occurs in a cleft structure in the complement clause. And in (60c), it occurs in a
cleft structure in the matrix clause. In the cleft structures it appears that apa has
been moved into position in the same fashion that what has been moved in the
English translation; however, in English there is only the option of moving the
interrogative phrase to the front of the very highest clause, so only a structure
similar to (60c) is possible. However, as described below, the Madurese struc-
ture does not parallel the English.
5.1 Long-distance in situ questions
When questioning a dependent of an embedded clause, the most common struc-
ture for bare non subject NP arguments and PP objects is generally the in situ
construction. This is illustrated in (61-64).
(61) Amir a-bala ja' Marlena melle apa neng pasar?
Amir AV-say COMP Marlena AV.buy what at market
‘What did Amir say that Marlena bought at market?’
(^3) The word order in the sentences in (60a,b) can also be interpreted as embedded ques-
tions. However as embedded questions they would be spoken with a different intona-
tion. Embedded question are the topic of section 6.
(^4) With appropriate intonation, (60b) can be interpreted as an instance of direction ad-
dress: Hasan said to Amir, “What did Siti read?”.