A Grammar of Madurese

Phonological processes 43

lowing syllable. (45) illustrates.

(47) ɛ.rɛm ‘send’ + a ‘IRR’  [ɛ.rɛma] ‘send (IRR)’

In (47), [m] forms the coda of the second syllable of the root. But, in the derived
form [ɛrɛma], [m] is the onset of third syllable. Importantly, [ɛ] is the vowel of
the second syllable, and [ɛ] can occur in an open syllable, and so the form
[ɛrɛma] is well formed. However, when the root-final syllable contains [ə], the

same process would result in a form that violates the phonotactic constraint on
[ə], as illustrated in (48).

(48) ma.ɲəs.səl ‘regret’ + a ‘IRR’  * [ma.ɲəs.sə.la]

Gemination of the stem-final [l] of [massl] preserves the environment for []

and ensures well-formedness, as in

(49) ma.ɲəs.səl ‘regret’ + a ‘IRR’  [ma.ɲəs.səl.la] ‘regret (IRR)’
Additional examples include:

(50) pusən ‘bored’ + ɛ ‘LOC’  [pusənnɛ] ‘bored with’
pəkkɨl’angry’ + ɛ ‘LOC’  [pəkkɨll ‘angry at’

ka + ənnə ‘stay’ + an ‘NOM’  [kənnəan] ‘place’

nakəp ‘catch’ + a ‘IRR’  [nakəppɤ] ‘catch (IRR)’^26

mujɨk ‘strike’ + ɛ ‘DUR’  [mujɨkki] ‘strike repeatedly’

This contrasts with cases in which the vowel in the final syllable is neither [ə]
nor [ɨ]. In these cases there is no gemination of the consonant.

(51) ɔlɛs ‘write’ + ɛ ‘DUR’  ɔlɛsɛ] ‘write’ (DUR)’
ɛrɛm ‘send’ + ɛ ‘LOC’  [ɛrɛmɛ]’send to’

pukɔs ‘wrap’ + an ‘NOM’  [pukɔsan] ‘package’

ɤwɤp ‘answer’ + an ‘NOM  [ɤwɤpɤn] ‘answer’

nɔɔp ‘close’ + a ‘IRR’  [nɔɔpɤ] ‘close (IRR)’

Note that it is entirely possible that like -insertion and glide-epenthesis, this
type of gemination may occur word internally as well. For example, the root

(^26) The forms [nakəpp] ‘will catch’ and [mujɨkki] ‘strike repeatedly’ undergo the
process of aspiration (discussed in section 6) in addition to gemination. This additional-
ly causes the raising of the vowel of the suffix.