Open class categories 77
b. Adi ngaca.
Adi AV.glass
‘Adi looked in the mirror.’
(42) a. Sengko' lo' andhi' sapo.
I not have broom
‘I don’t have a broom.’
b. Sengko' a-sapo-wan kamar-ra Ebu'.
I AV-sweep-IT room-DEF mother
‘I swept mother’s room.’
(43) a. Ita entar ka barung.
Ita go to warung
‘Ita went to the warung.’
b. Ita marung.
Ita AV.warung
‘Ita operates a warung.’
One confounding factor is ascertaining whether the voice morphology is
purely inflectional. Some morphemes appear to be principally inflectional mor-
phemes but at times seem to act derivationally, e.g. the locative -e. (See Chapter
4.) Some roots satisfy the criteria for precategoriality yet because of their deno-
tation and their standard use can reasonably be classified as noun roots (which,
of course, might be asserted regarding the instrumental and locative roots just
discussed). Among these are:
(44) bine ‘wife’ a-bine ‘marry a woman’
ale' ‘younger sibling’ a-ale' ‘call someone younger sibling’
bapa' ‘father’ a -bapa' ‘call someone father’
sapedha ‘bicycle’ a-sapedha ‘ride a bicycle’
kaos ‘t-shirt’ a-kaos ‘wear a t-shirt’
These are potentially cases in which the actor voice morphology is working
derivationally. Alternatively, these could be instances of conversion or zero
derivation in which the noun root, say bine, becomes a derived verb and then
takes the voice morphology in its role as predicate. Regardless, the number of
precategorial roots in Madurese does not seem to be significant and they do not
play any crucial role in the grammar.