238 Notes
(^8) This amounts to 0.32 per cent of the increments in the corpus and it may well be
that as descriptive statements in linguistics are best regarded as having more or
less validity rather than as markers of absolute truths (Halliday 1967: 9) that the
grammar does not need to concern itself with such marginal examples.
(^9) The description of examples (14a) and (14b) is simplifi ed slightly as it ignores
tonicity differences – see Halliday (1967), Halliday and Greaves (2008) or Tench
(1996) for detailed descriptions of the system of tonicity.
(^10) It is worth noting that had Bs produced a falling tone in place of the fi rst level
tone in example (18) he would have produced two increments. Five of the
readers produced a fall and segmented the stretch of speech transcribed in (18)
into two increments. The remaining fi ve readers Emi, Jt, Mh, Rf and Sn chose a
fall-rise preceded by a fall. Bs’s possible recognition that a potential target state
could simultaneously realize an implication may have lead to his confusion.
(^11) Example (20) because of the presence of the tone unit internal pauses is argu-
ably also an illustration of level tone signalling disengagement. However, the fi rst
two tone units at least do not strike this hearer as disengaged!
(^12) Had Mh chosen a falling tone and not a level tone he would have produced two
increments.
(^13) It is perhaps of note that Blair himself chose a level tone indicating that he
projected a context where it was self evident that he was about to produce a short
statement.
(^14) Though the fact that the orthographic text she read aloud was written, it is really
tough and not, it really is tough may provide a clue to her choice of level tone.
Chapter 7
(^1) The number of instances of key in Table 7.1 excludes 45 instances of high key in
minimal increments i.e. those that contained only one tone unit. In increment
[T2-Bc-13] // you can s... you ↑KNOW you can see it in \PAlestine // the high
key on know has been classifi ed as being an increment initial key even though
it is contained in a tone unit which is itself simultaneously increment initial
and increment fi nal. Texts 1 and 2 contained 8 and 37 high key in minimal
increments respectively.
(^2) These fi gures do not include high key/terminations which are discussed in
section 7.2. Hence the fi gures given above represent an undercount.
(^3) These fi gures exclude 32 instances of low key/termination in Text 1 and
50 instances in Text 2.
(^4) It is also possible, as the discussion of examples (11) and (12) indicate, that the
high key on particularly may also be an instance of a particularizing key. It may
represent an internal evaluation of the narrative (see Labov 1972b). Wennerstrom
(2001b: 1187–9) describes evaluations such as example (1) as internal, ‘they occur
within the actual story clauses’ (ibid. 1195). She argues that internal evaluations
are identifi ed by high initial pitch and the presence of ‘loaded’ lexical items such
as adverbs of intensifi cation, e.g. particularly. Wennerstrom measures pitch in
terms of absolute F0 values and so her pitch maxima are not identical with high