86 3 Phonologyin the same manner as t-a-baembsra-t-t. Nouns like kaeya with final accent
are mainly loanwords and their feminine forms are hard to elicit.
The accentual effect of 3MaSg object clitic -t (63.b) can be seen in
anhaey-anr Ί saw', /anhaey-aer-\t/ —> anhaey-asq-\q [anhae'jaeq:] Ί saw him'.
The clitic still appears as syllabic -\ti in some eastern dialects (Kidal, Gao). For
T-md I recorded -\t in simple word forms, but -\ti in some combinations to
avoid a pileup of consonants, as in waer-\fi t-anhey 'she didn't see him'. In my
T-ka data, however, the syllabic allomorph -\ti is absent and the putative final
vowel is merely a phonological abstraction.
All of the pronominal possessive suffixes used to express normal
(alienable) possession require accent shifts (63.c). The nonsingular
pronominals are bisyllabic and have a fixed accent on the penult of the suffix
itself. With e-haen 'house' we get e-hasn-nasnaev 'our...', e-haen-naewaen
'your-MaPl ...', e-haen-naesnast 'their-FePl ...', etc. There is no dialectal
evidence for underlying final vowels here (e.g. /-naewaenW), and it is more
straightforward just to assign grammatical accent to the syllables in question.
The singular pronominal endings are monosyllabic when the stem ends in a
vowel or n, and require accent on the immediately preceding syllable:
e-haen-in 'my ...', e-haen-naek 'your-MaSg ...', e-haen-nasm 'your-FeSg ...',
and e-haen-net (dialectally -nes) 'his/her ...'. For these singular pronominals,
except lSg (always -in after C, -nin after V), a bisyllabic form occurs after a C
other than n, hence ά-mnas 'camel', α-mnas-in 'my ...', but a-mnas-annaek
'your-MaSg ...', α-mnas-annaem 'your-FeSg ...', and either α-mnas-annet or
...-annes 'his/her ...' depending on dialect. In these bisyllabic-suffix cases
(2MaSg, 2FeSg, 3Sg after stem-final C other than n), the stem-final accent
happens to be on the word antepenult, so it is compatible with Default
Accentuation. It is not obvious how to unify these facts. One might argue for
underlying forms like /-annask/, which could be reduced to -naek after a vowel
or η (but only after the default accentuation rule applies, e.g. /e-haen-annask/
/e-haen-annaek/ (accentuation) e-haen-nask (suffix reduction); see
§3.3.1.3 on accent and VV-Contraction. However, such derivations are far
from transparent, and in any event would not apply to the lSg possessive
forms (or to the nonsingulars).
A different set of pronominal suffixes (all or them monosyllabic) is used
with several prepositions and a small number of kin terms. In this set, the
singular suffixes (lSg -er, -i, or zero; 2MaSg -k, 2FeSg -m, 3Sg -t) show
regular default accent, but the nonsingular ones induce an accent shift to the
preceding syllable (word penult). Thus /waelaet-ma/ 'sister' in lSg waelaet-ma
(or waelaet-me-r), but 1P1 waelaet-ma-naer, 2MaPl waelaet-ma-wwasn, 2FePl
waelast-ma-kmaet, 3MaPl waslaet-ma-ssasn, and 3FePl waelaet-ma-snaet. One
could imagine an analysis involving an extra initial vowel on the suffix that is
elided by contraction after the accentuation rule, e.g. 1P1 /-Vnasr/.
Examples of Hortative -et (63.d) are n-ahusk-at-et 'let's be pretty',
n-akrikaw-et 'lets commit sorcery', and ajla-n-et 'let them go'.