3.4 Ablaut 133b. 'hawk (wares)' (-s-vtvj-)
PerfP -aes-taej-
Imprt s-ataj
Shlmpf -s-ataj-
VblN a-s-ataj-ass-ataeg-
s-atag
-s-atag-
a-s-atagc. 'make bulge' (-s-vtvkuru- + -t)
PerfP -aes-taekarae-t
Imprt s-attakura-t
Shlmpf -s-attakura-t
VblN a-s-attakuru-s-settaekaras-t
s-attakura-t
-s-attakura-t
a-s-attakuriThe Imprt and Shlmpf forms, and the VblN's, are identical in syllabic
shape. The differences are in the PerfP of (106.b-c).
In (106.a), there is no difference (other than the initial ae versus a in the
PerfP). In (106.b-c), however, A-grm fails to allow Stem-Initial Syncope even
in the perfective, where it is regular in T-ka and other dialects checked. In
(106.b), both dialects shown apply Stem-Initial V-Insertion to the PerfP, which
is accompanied by Stem-Initial Syncope in T-ka -aes-taej- but by
CrGemination, applied to the prefixal sibilant, in A-grm -ass-ataeg-. The latter
resembles causative PerfP -ass-aPQasC- and -ass-aPQa-, which are regular in
all dialects for causatives based on -vPQvC- and -vPQu- stems, respectively,
where syllabic conditions do not permit syncope, e.g. PerfP -ass-ajla- (T-ka)
and -ass-agla- (A-grm) 'send'. In (106.c), A-grm fails to apply Stem-Initial
V-Insertion, but does apply Q-Gemination to the first C of the core stem, in
the PerfP as in the Shlmpf.
I have indicated that many inflected causative stems, including the Shlmpf
in all dialects, plus many perfectives in A-grm, begin with -s- unaccompanied
by a preceding short V due to Stem-Initial V-Insertion. In reality, I have heard
a short V in a few elicited forms of these types, but these instances were
infrequent and I suspect they reflect "elicitation-ese." The relevant cases were
combinations of Future ad with a Shlmpf that lacked a pronominal subject
prefix. Even here I usually heard no initial V, as in T-ka ad s-adaw-aen
'they-Ma will organize' and R ad s-agad-aen 'they-Ma will listen'. However, I
did transcribe the former as ad as-adaw-aen for the R informant in direct
elicitation. I believe that this pattern is atypical even for this speaker.
In A-grm, I have recorded C,-Gemination for several -CuCvC- verbs that
do not geminate in the other dialects (§3.4.8.1, above), e.g. A-grm PerfP
-addokael- 'have sore feet', -assewaeg- 'gesture', -aemmesasl- 'be sent on
errand'.
Since T-ka does not syncopate the causative VblN type α-s-aCaC, we get
forms like α-s-adaw 'arranging' in T-ka as well as A-grm (and most other
dialects). In this case the divergent dialects in my data are those of the Kidal
area, which do syncopate and therefore have ά-s-daw 'arranging'. In T-ka, the
pattern ά-s-CaC is normally confined to instrumental nominals. The R speaker