A Grammar of Tamashek (Tuareg of Mali)

3.4 Ablaut 141

paradigm, the -t- shortens the stem-final V). The forms without -t- end up with
u, as the stem-final and suffix-initial V's contract. In (117) I give full Shlmpf
paradigms for 'groan' (no medial u, hence stem-final i in the augmentless sub-
paradigm), 'be diluted' (medial u in open syllable, hence u-Spreading in the
augmentless sub-paradigm), and 'fly' (medial u in closed syllable, hence both
u-Spreading and Medial V-Shortening in the augmentless sub-paradigm).

(117) Shlmpf Paradigms

subject 'groan' 'be diluted' 'fly'

a. Augment -t- present (subject suffix is zero, or C-initial)

3MaSg

3FeSg

3FePl

2FePl

1P1

1-hnaffa-t

t-ahnaffa-t

ahnaffa-t-neet

ahnaffa-t-maet

n-ahnaffa-t

1-drura-t

t-adrura-t Ι

adrura-t-naet Ι

adrüra-t-maet

n-adrura-t

1-ffurra-t

t-affurra-t

affurra-t-naet

t-affurra-t-maet

n-affurra-t

b. Augment -t- absent (subject suffix is V-initial)

3MaPl ahnaffi-n adruru-n

2Sg t-ahnaffi-d t-ädruru-d

2MaPl t-ahnaffi-m t-adruru-m

lSg ahnaffi-Y [...ev] adruru-γ [...ου]

affarru-n

t-affarru-d

t-affarru-m

effarru-γ [...ΟΥ]

The forms in (117.b) are valid for T-ka and some other T-area dialects.

However, most other Tamashek dialects examined have final-syllable e instead

of i or u in (117.b) and do not shorten the medial u in the -CuCCu- type. Thus

3MaPl -abbuffe-n 'they-Ma abound' for several K- and Gao-area dialects,

versus T-ka abbaffu-n.

For the verb -jujju- 'load' (PerfP -ajjujja-, LoImpfP -t-ajaejja-), the

Shlmpf is -sejjajj /-aejjajji-/ in most dialects, ending with an underspecified

high V III. The hi is never realized as a full V, even when it contracts with the

(short) V of a V-initial subject pronominal suffix. The medial α in the Shlmpf

stem is not shortened: 3MaSg 0-aejjajj, 3MaPl 0-aejjajja-n. The failure of

Medial V-Shortening to apply to /-aejjajji-/ could be attributed to the lack of a

stem-final (or contracted) full V, or to the composite <L H> melody. However,

the paradigm of 'load' is archaic and isolated, and other (newer) verbs of the

same syllabic shape have <H> rather than <L> melody in the Shlmpf, e.g.

Imprt függ 'be detached' and jüss 'go south'. As with many u-medial verbs,

A-grm has a distinct paradigm for 'load' with medial short V's throughout:

PerfP -aggagga-, Imprt gaegg, etc.

The verb -muttvsu- (-t) 'fear' has Shlmpf -ammüttasa-t, with 3MaPl

ammuttasi-n (R dialect) exemplifying the combination with 1-xCI subject

suffix; contrast T-ka 3MaPl ammattasu-n. The LoImpfP stem is -t-imattasu-t

(all dialects). The stem-final Isvl sequence has its V rounded in the LoImpfP