jeff_l
(Jeff_L)
#1
360 7 Verbal morphology
The examples in (363.a-b) are fully regular. Those in (363.b, g) show
resyllabification in the Imprt (and Shlmpf)· In (363.c), the only wrinkle is
consonantal metathesis (§3.2.2.1). In (363.d), we have an alternation of s and
z, the latter appearing optionally when reduplicated (§3.1.1.6). With the Imprt
parenthesized, other stems belonging in (363.a) are -vksu-(seks) 'sprout',
-visa- (sels) 'get dressed', -vl^a- (aelz) 'shave', -vnda-(send) 'collapse',
-vnta- (sent) 'begin', -vnra- [as'rva-] (aerr) 'be on fire', -vrha- (aerh) 'want',
-vrza- (aerz) 'break'. Other verbs showing Resyllabification and so belonging
in (363.b) are -vkla- (skal) 'spend the mid-day', -vkna- (akan) 'make, do
well, do much', and -vsla- (asal) 'listen to'.
'Go to' (363.e) has LoImpfP -t-akk-. This is arguably "regular" for the α/ι
subclass in the special case of a geminate cluster (-vPPi>), on the theory that
the geminate cannot divide into two "autosegments" as do the Ρ and Q of
nongeminated -VPQD- in ablaut. A -t- prefix is common in long imperfectives
of other verb classes, especially where the gemination ablaut feature (r-c2) is
absent. One might argue that the initial t in -tatt- 'eat' is also this -t- prefix.
However, -tatt- is so irregular we cannot tell, and one could equally well
compare it to -sass- 'drink' and suggest a minor pattern -PdPP- with a
repeated C.
This leaves a number of (mostly high-frequency) verbs in (363.f-i). Their
irregular long imperfectives have the same -CaPP- shape as the others. The
verbs in (363.f) have stable CC clusters, the one in (363.g) has a CC cluster
requiring resyllabification in the Imprt, and those in (363.h-i) have geminate
clusters throughout.
For Timbuktu-area dialects the only case I recorded of V-final LoImpfP
-COPPU- was -jdnna- 'say', which is also irregular in other respects (PerfP
-anna-). See §7.3.2.5 for more detail. Eastern dialects have a few more cases
of -CuPPu-, though for no informant did I find this pattern consistently for the
whole class.
In the Kidal area, -CdPP- is regular (-sdss-, -hakk-, -hall-, -sali-, and
-tatt- as in T-ka), but 'go away' in this dialect belongs to the α/u rather than aJι
subclass and therefore has Lolmpf -gillu- (attested for K, K-d, K-f).
In A-grm, -CdPPu- (-CaPPa- or -CaPPu-) is regular when the geminated
PP is a sonorant (liquid or nasal): -galla or -gallu- 'go', -rarra- 'read', -halla-
'weep', -ndqga- 'be ripe', -sallu- 'hear', and the irregular -ςάηηα- 'say'. I also
recorded -sdssa- 'drink', -t-dkka- 'go to', and -tatta- 'eat' for A-grm, but the
other verbs with final obstruent lack the extra final V.
In the Im dialect, LoImpfP stems of some relevant verbs with medial
sonorant preserve the final V: -hdlla- 'weep', -xalla- 'be dirty', -jdnna- 'say',
consistent with A-grm. However, the remaining attested LoImpfP forms for Im
dialect show Stem-Final i/A-Deletion: -tatt- 'eat', -sdss- 'drink', -hakk-
'give', -gdll- 'go', -sail- 'hear'. The Im dialect is therefore intermediate
between A-grm and T-ka.
Returning to T-ka and similar dialects, the LoImpfN corresponding to e.g.
LoImpfP -kail- (/-kdllAV) 'spend mid-day' is -kali- (/-kalli-/), as in 3MaSg