A Grammar of Tamashek (Tuareg of Mali)

496 8 Verbal derivation

The K-f informant had MaSg or PI -n versus FeSg -t (without a V)

suffixed to the Neg particle. Subject prefixation on the following verb was as

for T-ka. The Im system in (519) could have evolved out of the Κ system

(520), with the -n generalized and prosodically resegmented.

(520) Kidal-Ifoghas Dialect Negative Participles

a. w-α wser-n i-khya

'he who did not eat'

b. t-α waer-t t-akhya

'she who did not eat'

c. w-i waer-n akhya

'they-Ma who did not eat'

The preceding examples are all of definite negative participles. Indefinite

counterparts are shown in (521).

(521) a. ae-habs wser-aen i-zjer

Sg-man Neg-Partpl.MaSg 3MaSgS-go.out.PerfN

'a man who has not gone out.'

b. as-habsAat waer-£en i-nhey

Sg-man-\3MaSgO Neg-Partpl.MaSg 3MaSgS-see.PerfN

'a man who has not seen it'

c. t-a-maett wasr-aet t-almed

Fe-Sg-woman Neg-Partpl.FeSg 3FeSgS-know.PerfN

t-as-masaeq-q

Fe-Sg-Tamashek-FeSg

'a woman who doesn't know Tamashek.' [K-f]

d. eeddinaet waer-sen aimed

people Neg-Partpl.Pl know.PerfN

t-a-masaeq-q

Fe-Sg-Tamashek-FeSg

'people who don't know Tamashek.' [K-f]

(521.b) also shows that any clitic present is hosted on the internal head of

the relative clause (here, a head noun in the indefinite construction), even

when a preverbal particle like waer- is present.

T-ka and R have the same basic grammar for negative participles. They

diverge, however, in future (and future negative) participles, to which we now

turn.