jeff_l
(Jeff_L)
#1
500 8 Verbal derivation
c. MaPl
i. w-i he waer-aen e aduban
Ma-Dem.Pl Fut Neg-Partpl.Pl Fut marry.Shlmpf
'they-Ma who will not get married'
ii. [not attested]
iii. w-i waer-asn e adubsn
The R informant had some difficulty with the examples in (526), and there
is evidently some intra-dialectal variation here. In the (i) version of each
example, Future e (or: he) is doubled, occurring once before and once after
Negative waer. The Future particle occurs only once in the other types, before
Neg in the (ii) examples and after it in the (iii) examples. The (iii) examples
appear to be most common for the R informant, and it is consistent with the
usual ordering (Neg Fut) in non-relative clauses. The (i) and (ii) types are
therefore anomalous. They may reflect difficulty in hearing Fut e before MaSg
subject prefix i- in (526.a.iii), a difficulty that can be resolved by adding
another (h)e before the Neg particle.
In any event, the forms of the verb are consistent in (526). The FeSg forms
have FeSg Participial suffix -aet, but no Participial suffix occurs on the verb in
the MaSg or PI constructions. One variant of the FeSg construction (526.b.ii)
also adds -aet to the Neg particle (waer-ast). The MaSg and PI add their
participial suffixes to the Neg particle (waer-aen).
For K-d, only one type of future negative participial clause was recorded
(527).
(527) a. ae-habs [w-a-\taet
Sg-man [Ma-Dem.Sg-\3FeSgO
waer-aen e 0-aeijY]
Neg-Partpl.MaSg Fut 3MaSgS-kill.ShImpf]
'the man who will not kill her'
b. t-a-maett [t-a-\t
Fe-Sg-woman [Fe-Dem.Sg-\3MaSgO
waer-aet e t-aegr]
Neg-Partpl.FeSg Fut 3FeSgS-kill.ShImpf]
'the woman who will not kill him'
c. meddan [w-i-\t£et
men [Ma-Dem.Pl-\3FeSgO
waer-aen e asqv]
Neg-Partpl.Pl Fut kill.Shlmpf]
'the men who will not kill her'
