jeff_l
(Jeff_L)
#1
590 9 Verb phrases and other predications
minimal demonstrative ά and a following cliticized Comitative preposition d
(= ad). This a-\d functions as the normal jussive complementizer (§13.3). The
surface convergence of complementizer a-\d with Fut dd is especially
thoroughgoing in that the -\d in a-\d is omitted if another clitic is present, as in
certain high-frequency adverbial clause types. Therefore both Fut ad and
complementizer a-\d appear as phonetic [ad] without a clitic and as phonetic
[a] before a clitic. Moreover, both occur clause-initially.
However, there is a syntactic distinction between Future ad and the
combination a-\d in the way they combine with negation. The combination
Neg + Fut is expressed as Neg wzer (or a reduced allomorph) plus a distinctive
non-clause-initial Future allomorph such as mad or e replacing ad (§9.6.4,
below). By contrast, complementizer a-\d is followed by Neg waer. In
addition, Future ad can only be followed by a Shlmpf or (much less often)
LoImpfP stem, whereas complementizer a-\d can be followed by a fuller range
of stems (including perfectives).
In ordinary contexts, the verb stem used after Future ad is the Shlmpf, as
in (641.a). The LoImpfP is much less common, but can be used to specify an
extended time span (641.b).
(641) a. ad i-jal
Fut 3MaSgS-go.ShImpf
'He will go (away).'
b. ad i-tdtt d-i-ha
Fut 3MaSgS-eat.LoImpfP here
'He will eat here (regularly).'
When the Future particicle is noninitial in the clause, ad is replaced by
another form. The dialects split into two main groups (and one divergent
dialect) based on their noninitial Future particle.
(642) Non-Clause-Initial Future Particles
a. mar (A-grm [in participles] T-ka)
mad (A-grm [except in participles] Gao T-md)
b. e, he (K R Ts)
c. sa Diebok (near Gao) [with negation only, see (649)]
The relevant contexts for the noninitial Future particles are: a) after
Negative waer (for special combinatory forms see §9.6.4, below), b) after the
head noun (or demonstrative) in a relative clause (participial or non-
participial), and c) after Focus particle ά (§12.2).
