A Grammar of Tamashek (Tuareg of Mali)

(Jeff_L) #1
10.2 Directional clitics 597

(654) a. osae-nAadd
arrive.PerfP-3MaPl-\Centrip
'They came (here).'


b. aAdd 0-as
FutACentrip 3MaSgS-arrive.ShImpf
'He will come (here).'

c. waerAd 0-osa
Neg-\Centrip 3MaSgS-arrive.PerfP
'He didn't come (here).'

d. a-\tt-bdd awsy-aer
Fut-\3MaSgO-\Centrip bring.Shlmpf- lSgS
'I'll bring it/him.'

e. i-t-iwiAhadd
3MaSgS-LoImpf-be.born-\Centrip
'He/It is born (coming) here.'

f. aAhiAdd 0-away
Fut-\lSgO-\Centrip 3MaSgS-bring.ShImpf
'He'll bring me.'

g. i-suAhsdd
3MaSgS-cough.PerfP-\Centrip
'He coughed (while coming this way).'

The optional doubling of the Centrip clitic, appearing before and after the
verb, is exemplified in (655).

(655) a-\dd as-avAadd
FutACentrip arrive.Shlmpf- lSgS ACentrip
'I'll come (here).'


For some dialects other than T-ka, the Centripetal has a basic form Aidd
with a full i, heard as such after a C, though (as for T-ka) it is reduced to Add
after a V. However, an apparent (but false) "Aidd" can also occur in dialects
where the 3MaSg object clitic has a syllabic allomorph Atti- (postconsonantal
Ati-). For example, in the R dialect, the Centripetal is Aadd after a C in
ordinary contexts but combines with 3MaSg object Att to give AttlAdd. Here
the i is part of the object clitic (and therefore also occurs in some other
combinations not involving a directional clitic).

Free download pdf