13.9 Conditionals 697
In (967), both antecedent and consequent are long imperfectives
(LoImpfP and LoImpfN, respectively), since the reference is to standard
operating procedure without limitation to a narrow time frame.
(867) ajud i-ggat "'a-janna,
if 3MaSgS-hit(Vwt).LoImpfP Sg-rain,
waer ns-zsjjar
Neg lPl-exit.LoImpfN
'If (=when) it rains, we don't go out.'
A less common hypothetical conditional particle is kunta, kud, or kü. I
recorded kunta 'if for T-ka, kud 'if or 'even if for A-grm, R, and T-ka, and
kü 'even if for K-d. In A-grm, kud can also be used with a noun, as in 'even
tomorrow'. (For Niger Tamajak, "kud" is glossed 'si' or 'meme si', i.e.
'(even) if, LTF2:144.). A K-d example in the sense 'even if...' is (868).
(868) ku-Μϊί t-akfe-d dtay,
even-\lSgO 2S-give.Reslt-2SgS tea,
waer-\t e aesw-aer
Neg-\3MaSgO Fut drink.Shlmpf-lSgS
'Even if you-Sg give me some tea, I won't drink it.' [K-d]
The particle wasla, which can mean 'even' with a following noun (in some
dialects), is also widely used in the sense 'even if or 'although' with a
following clause; perhaps this is a reduction of waela kud 'even if, which is
also attested.
(869) a. waela i-kdnn t-e-taete
even 3MaSgs-do.much.LoImpfP Fe-Sg-eat.VblN
war l-dsggsl
Neg 3MaSgS-be.tall.LoImpfN (Vdwl)
'Even if (although) he eats a lot, he doesn't get tall(er).' [R]
b. waela i-ksa daer ad 0-aslh
even 3MaSgS-eat.Reslt too Fut 3MaSgS-weep.ShImpf
'Even if he has eaten, he will cry.' [T-ka]
Hypothetical conditionals may also have antecedent clauses beginning in
a-\fael or just fael. This is very common in K-area dialects, where it can spread
into temporal adverbial 'when ...' usage with future time reference (869.d), but
it has also been recorded in this sense in T-ka (§13.2.2).