A Grammar of Tamashek (Tuareg of Mali)

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66 3 Phonology

(44) Final-CC Schwa-Insertion

Word-finally (or before suffix or clitic beginning with a C), a
sequence ...VPQ where V is any vowel, Ρ and Q are distinct C's,
and Q is a sonorant (semivowel, liquid, nasal), insert a between Ρ
and Q.

(45) Melodic Association to Epenthetic Vowel

If the a inserted by Final-Syllable Epenthesis is at the junction
between the L and Η components of a <L H> melody, the L
component extends to the epenthetic V in agentives and related
nominals (so a is lowered to as), but not in short imperfectives
(including Imprt verbs).

Except as noted below ('drink'), resyllabification does not apply when the
verb stem in question is followed by a V-initial suffix or clitic. This cannot be
explained as Syncope applying to a previously resyllabified sequence, since
there is no evidence for Stem-Final Gemination in the relevant suffixal
combinations, and since Short-V Harmony (§3.2.6) does not affect the first
syllable in Imprt or other verbs. Thus for -vrru- 'read', T-ka Imprt /asm/—»
/aerr/ —> arar 'read!' without further suffix or clitic, but serr-\e 'read it!' with
V-initial 3MaSg object clitic.
However, in the specific case of -vswu- 'drink', the resyllabified variant
-3S3W occurs (in several dialects) before the 3MaSg object clitic, which
therefore takes its postvocalic allomorph -\tt. Probably -asaw [ssu:^1 ] has been
reanalysed as -ssu, resulting in this (dialectal) generalization. For Sg Imprt
'drink it-Ma!' we therefore get, depending on the dialect, two results. The first
type is seen in A-grm aeswAi and T-ka aeswAe, parallel to aevrAe 'read it!' and
2eks-\e 'eat it!'. Here -\e (including A-grm variant -\i) is the postconsonantal
allomorph of the 3MaSgO object clitic. The second type is seen in asüAtt (K-d
K-f R Ts) and asiiAtti (Im), where the clitic has a postvocalic allomorph.


3.2.5 Schwa-Epenthesis

The most conspicuous cases of epenthesis (insertion of schwa) have just been
described in §3.2.4, where unstable stem-final CC clusters were involved.
There are some additional combinations involving prefixes that may require a
more general Schwa-Epenthesis rule, depending on whether we assign schwas
to underlying forms of the morphemes involved or consider them to be
epenthetic.
Prefix t- has some special properties, but different patterns appear in
nominal and verbal morphology. For the nouns, it is rare to get Feminine t-
before a C-initial stem with no intervening vocalic prefix (Sg -a- and variants,
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