The Spartan Regime_ Its Character, Origins, and Grand Strategy - Paul Anthony Rahe

(Dana P.) #1

174 Notes to Pages 69–73


17.Genealogies: Hdt. 7.204, 8.131; Paus. 3.2–10.



  1. The English translations of Hdt. 8.131.3 need correction in one particular. The manu-
    script tradition, which strongly favors reading “two” where these translations opt for “seven,” is
    now supported by POxy 2390, which shows that Leotychidas son of Anaxilas was once king, as
    Plut. Mor. 224c–d and Lyc. 13.7 also suggest. In this connection, see George L. Huxley, Early Sparta
    (London: Faber & Faber, 1962), 117–19; W. G. G. Forrest, A History of Sparta, 950–192 B.C., sec-
    ond edition (London: Hutchinson University Library, 1980), 13–23; David P. Henige, The Chronol­
    ogy of Oral Tradition: Quest for a Chimera (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), 207–13; Paul Car-
    tledge, SL, 293–98; John F. Lazenby, The Spartan Army (Warminster, UK: Aris & Phillips, 1985),
    64–66; Martin L. West, “Alcman and the Spartan Royalty,” ZPE 91 (1992): 1–7; and Paul Chris-
    tesen, Olympic Victor Lists and Ancient Greek History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
    2007), 505–7.

  2. Amyclae avoids destruction: Paus. 3.2.6, Servius ad Verg. Aen. 10.564. Pindar on pre-
    Dorian Amyclae: Pyth. 1.65, 11.32, Nem. 11.34. Evidence suggesting kingship at Amyclae: Paus.
    4.7.8, 10.9.5. In assessing what archaeology has to teach us about Lacedaemon, Laconia, and Spar-
    tan colonization in this period, I have profited from reading Paul Cartledge, SL, 3–137, and “Early
    Lacedaeimon: The Making of a Conquest State,” in Philolakōn, 49–55, as well as Continuity and
    Change in a Greek Rural Landscape: The Laconia Survey, ed. William Cavanagh, Joost Crouwel, and
    Graham Shipley (London: British School at Athens, 1996–2002); William G. Cavanagh, Christo-
    pher B. Mee, and Peter James The Laconia Rural Sites Project (London: British School at Athens,
    2005); and the summary account provided by Nigel Kennell and Nino Luraghi, “Laconia and
    Messenia,” in A Companion to Archaic Greece, 239–54.
    20.Victor Parker, “Zur Datierung der Dorischen Wanderung,” MH 52 (1995): 130–54, may,
    of course, be correct in arguing that the Dorians did not arrive until the tenth century.
    21.Thucydides’ warning: 1.10.2–3.

  3. Pastoral features in Carneia: Ath. 4.141e–f with Michael Pettersson, Cults of Apollo at
    Sparta: The Hyakinthia, the Gymnopaidiai, and the Karneia (Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag,
    1992), 57–72; Irad Malkin, Myth and Territory in the Spartan Mediterranean (Cambridge: Cam-
    bridge University Press, 1994), 149–58; and Nicolas Richer, La Religion des Spartiates: Croyances
    et cultes dans l’Antiquité (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2012), 423–56. Cattle-raiding: Paus. 4.4.5–8,
    7.1–2. Note Thuc. 1.5, and consider Hdt. 2.152 along with the numerous references in Homer to
    raiding by sea and by land: Il. 1.121–26, 366–69, 2.688–93, 6.414–28, 9.405–9, 11.660–762,
    18.509–40, Od. 9.39–61, 14. 83–88, 211–75, 16.418–27. See Alastar Jackson, “War and Raids for
    Booty in the World of Odysseus,” in War and Society in the Greek World, ed. John Rich and Gra-
    ham Shipley (London: Routledge, 1993), 64–76.

  4. Evidence for the four villages near acropolis: Paus. 3.16.9–10, IG V i 674–88. Agiad
    kings—senior branch: Hdt. 6.51.1–52.7. Buried in Pitana: Paus. 3.14.1–2. Eurypontid kings—
    homes and graves in Limnai: 3.12.8; cf. Hdt. 6.69.3 with Paus. 3.16.6–7. Marshy area near Eurotas:
    Strabo 8.5.1.

  5. Five lóchoı: Arist. F541 (Rose) = F546 (Gigon). No longer the pattern in the late fifth
    century: Thuc. 5.68.3. Passing comment: Hdt. 9.53 with Henry Theodore Wade-Gery, “The Spar-
    tan Rhetra in Plutarch’s Lycurgus VI: C. What Is the Rhetra?” CQ 38:3/4 (July–October 1944),
    115–26, reprinted in Wade-Gery, EGH, 66–85, and Cartledge, Agesilaos, 427–31. Cf. Lazenby, The
    Spartan Army, 3–64 (esp. 48–52). Thucydides (1.20.4) to the contrary notwithstanding, there is
    no reason to gainsay Herodotus’ testimony. He had visited the village to which he attributes the
    pertinent lóchos (Hdt. 3.55.2); and by Thucydides’ day—almost certainly as a consequence of a
    precipitous decline in the number of Spartiates (Appendix 1, below) that the Lacedaemonians,
    with their instinct for secrecy (Thuc. 5.68.2, Plut. Lyc. 20.9), will not have wished to divulge to a
    stranger—the Spartan army had undergone a reorganization (Thuc. 5.68.3), regarding which the
    Athenian historian is apt to have been kept quite ignorant. Note also Herodian 4.8.3.

  6. Epigraphical evidence from Roman period: IG V i 675, to be read with Kennell, G V,
    162–69, who, rightly in my opinion, argues that the neopólıtaı mentioned therein are Amyclaeans.
    26.Amyclae discussed: Pind. Pyth. 1.65, 11.32, Nem. 11.34, Isthm. 7.12–15; Xen. Hell. 4.5.11;
    Arist. F532 (Rose) = F539 (Gigon). Pitana mentioned: POxy 2389 F35 (a commentary reflecting a
    reference to the village on Alcman’s part); Pindar Ol. 6.78–31; Hdt. 3.55.2, 9.53; Eur. Tro. 1110–13;

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