Notes to Pages 81–83 177
But the fact that the Mycenaean depictions of chariots show neither bowmen nor spearmen oper-
ating in combat from these platforms does not mean that chariots were not used by the Mycenae-
ans as they were used in Egypt, Assyria, Babylonia, and the Hittite lands. The argument advanced
by Joost H. Crouwel, Chariots and Other Means of Land Transport in Bronze Age Greece (Amster-
dam: Allard Pierson Series, 1981), on the basis of these depictions needs to be adjusted in light of
the evidence from the Hittite texts for the deployment by the Achaeans of chariots on a grand scale
in combat within Asia Minor: see Aht3 (CTH147) §12, in The Ahhiyawa Texts, ed. and tr. Gary
Beckman, Trevor Bryce, and Eric Cline (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2011), 81. There are
passages suggesting Homer’s awareness of the manner in which chariots were used for combat
in Bronze Age Asia Minor, but they are few: see Il. 4.293–309, 5.9–20, 8.114–23, 11.150–54, 289,
531–42, 15.352–54, 16.377–428, 809–15. Cf. van Wees, G W, 158–60, whose defense of Homer
concedes the basic point.
- Awareness of the advantages of fighting in formation: Hom. Il. 2.553–55, 4.293–325,
13.125–35, 16.169–217. Fighting at the Argive trench: 12.1–471, 13.39–14.134, 15.262–746.
Struggle for Patroclus’ body: 17.352–65. Open-field combat: 4.419–7.282, 8.53–334, 11.15–847,
14.361–15.3, 16.218–20, 257–17.761, 20.156–22.374. - See Greenhalgh, EGW, 40–145; Anderson, “Greek Chariot-Borne and Mounted Infan-
try,” 175–87; Crouwel, Chariots and Other Wheeled Vehicles in Iron Age Greece, esp. 53–65, 102–8;
and Robin Archer, “Chariotry to Cavalry: Developments in the Early First Millennium,” in New
Perspectives on Ancient Warfare, ed. Garret G. Fagan and Matthew Trundle (Leiden: Brill, 2010),
57–79. Where the terrain was favorable, as it was on Cyprus, chariots continued to be used in a
military context: Hdt. 5.113. - Thesis that literary imperatives hide reality of mass combat: Joachim Latacz, Kampf
paränese, Kampfdarstellung und Kampfwirklichkeit in der Ilias, bei Kallinos und Tyrtaios (Munich:
Verlag C. H. Beck, 1977), to be read with Rüdiger Leimbach’s severely critical review, Gnomon 52:5
(1980): 418–25; Pritchett, GSW, IV 7–33; and Kurt Raaflaub, “Homeric Warriors and Battles: Try-
ing to Resolve Old Problems,” CW 101:4 (Summer, 2008), 469–83. Sarpedon’s analysis: Hom. Il.
12.309–28 with Ian Morris, “The Use and Abuse of Homer,” ClAnt 5:1 (April 1986): 81–138, and
Susanne Ebbinghaus, “Protector of the City, or the Art of Storage in Early Greece,” JHS 125 (2005):
51–72. For a more plausible view of Homer’s account of battle, see Hans van Wees, “Kings in
Combat: Battles and Heroes in the Iliad,” CQ n.s. 38:1 (1988): 1–24, and “The Homeric Way of
War: The Iliad and the Hoplite Phalanx,” G&R 41 (1994): 1–18, 131–55; “Heroes, Knights and
Nutters: Warrior Mentality in Homer,” in Battle in Antiquity, ed. Alan B. Lloyd (Swansea: Classical
Press of Wales, 1996), 1–86; “Homeric Warfare,” in A New Companion to Homer, ed. Ian Morris
and Barry Powell (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 668–93; and G W, 153–65. See also Anthony M. Snodgrass,
“The ‘Hoplite Reform’ Revisited,” in Snodgrass, Archaeology and the Emergence of Greece (Ithaca,
NY: Cornell University Press, 2006), 344–59; Paul A. Cartledge, “The Birth of the Hoplite: Sparta’s
Contribution to Early Greek Military Organization,” in Cartledge SR, 153–66 (at 153–58); J. E.
Lendon, Soldiers and Ghosts: A History of Battle in Classical Antiquity (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 2005), 20–38; and Everett L. Wheeler, “Land Battles,” in CHGRW, I 186–223 (at 193–95).
There is, as Cartledge, “The Birth of the Hoplite,” 157, puts it, “all the difference in the world be-
tween mass military action, even decisive mass military action,” of the sort now thought to be
found in Homer, “and regular engagements between massed ranks of hoplite phalanxes.”
48.Hoplite phalanx on eve of Persian Wars: Hdt. 7.9β. See also Thuc. 4.92; Xen. Mem. 3.1.8;
Ar r. Ta c t. 12.2; Polyb. 13.3.2–6, 18.29–31. For the manner in which being arrayed in files ruled out
combat avoidance and for the vital importance in battle of good order [eutaxía], as opposed to
disorder [ataxía], see Jason Crowley, The Psychology of the Athenian Hoplite: The Culture of Com
bat in Classical Athens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 49–66.
49.Archaeological evidence: Anthony M. Snodgrass, Arms and Armour of the Greeks (Ithaca,
NY: Cornell University Press, 1967), 41–45, 48–77; Archaic Greece: Age of Experiment (London:
J. M. Dent, 1980), 105–7; and “Setting the Frame Chronologically,” in MB, 85–94; C. W. J. Eliot and
Mary Eliot, “The Lechaion Cemetery near Corinth,” Hesperia 37 (1968): 345–67 (at Plate 102, 2);
John B. Salmon, “Political Hoplites?” JHS 97 (1977): 84–101; and Meral Akurgal, “Eine protoko-
rinthische Oinochoe aus Erythrai,” Istanbuler Mitteilungen 42 (1992): 83–96. Hoplite figurines
dedicated at Lacedaemon: A. J. B. Wace, “The Lead Figurines,” in The Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia