The Spartan Regime_ Its Character, Origins, and Grand Strategy - Paul Anthony Rahe

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Conquest 65


guide the process by which what is known is filtered. Some events, supportive


of the pretensions of those who welcome their retelling, will be remembered,


retold, and even reenacted in ritual,^3 while others, to which they are indiffer-


ent or which they find embarrassing, may be relegated to oblivion—especially


if they are not entertaining. What survives from the past even in modern


times is never more than part of the story. This is doubly true with regard to


pre-literate or semi-literate cultures. The stories told will almost certainly be


dramatic, and they may well be confused, conflated, and in some measure


partisan as well. But they are most unlikely to be wholly and simply false.^4


One might, of course, argue, as anthropologists of a postmodern bent are


now wont to do, that ethnic identity of the sort asserted by the Spartans, Mes-


senians, and Athenians at the micro level and by the Dorians and the Ionians


at the macro level is an artifact “socially constructed and subjectively per-


ceived,” which is “perpetually renewed and renegotiated through discourse and


social praxis”; and this assertion, though phrased in the pompous academic


jargon fashionable among social scientists, is no doubt true. Herodotus was


on the mark when he drew a sharp distinction between nature [phúsıs] and


nómos—mores, manners, custom, convention, law—and then seized on and


trumpeted Pindar’s claim that nómos is “king of all.” His Inquiries are designed


in part to substantiate this distinction and the attendant assertion and to ex-


plore their implications. Phúsıs may divide the animal kingdom into species,


but it is nómos, rooted in thinking [nomízeın] and crafted by men in response


to the circumstances in which they find themselves, that sorts human beings


into tribes, peoples, and nations. But the fact that all such human communi-


ties have their foundation in the imagination does not, in and of itself, render


fictive the kinship their members assert.^5


Ethnic connections may be recognized and celebrated, and they may be


largely ignored and even abandoned or repudiated. In principle, ethnicity can


even be invented ex nihilo. In practice, however, this never or almost never


happens. The human imagination generally has to have something on which


to work, and ethnogenesis rarely, if ever, takes place in a vacuum. The forma-


tion of a self-conscious kinship community nearly always presupposes some


sort of prior connection—a shared language or religion; shared mores, man-


ners, and ways; a common origin and history; a likeness in looks, if not, in


fact, all of the above. When human beings huddle together for offense or de-


fense, claiming to be kin and excluding putative outsiders, far more often than

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