Across Forest, Steppe, and Mountain_ Environment, Identity, and Empire in Qing China\'s Borderlands

(Ann) #1
Theseaimanwomen, possibly hunted down like sable or any other

valuable boreal animal, were being used to produce new human resources

for the Romanov incorporation of the SAH basin to deploy indigenous

fighters against the Qing. Reports make it quite clear that the regional

order envisioned by the dynasty had a limited tolerance for a foraging

lifestyle, defined as people living“like wild beasts and birds.”Such an

existence sustained the ethnic fragmentation that Qing officials felt made

the region vulnerable to foreign incursion and obstructed their own

efforts to construct reliable New Manchus. The dynasty even exploited

the ambiguities of Cossack identity by taking Russian prisoners into Qing

ranks to redeploy them against Romanov forces.^110

Foraging, a way of life adapted to residence in the basin’sforest

ecology under preimperial conditions, required the devotion of consid-

erable dynastic resources to alter this practice and its embodiments

before, during, and after thefinal conflictwiththeRussiansinthe

1680 s. The Kangxi emperor implicitly acknowledged the incompati-

bility of forager and imperial identity when he remitted the penalties

for the 1685 defaults in Solon-Ewenki and Dagur pelt tribute. He

acknowledged that“the Solon and Dagur act as the great army of

Heilongjiang and staff its militarypostal relay stations. In consider-

ation of their efforts, they will be spared censure and receive their

statutory rewards.”Recognition of this incompatibility was even more

explicit in a 1690 decision that because one thousand new Dagur

recruits for expanded regional garrisons“would not be able to hunt

or fish for themselves, their presentation of sable tribute should be

stopped. They will be issued money for rations as per regulations on

provincial capital garrisons.”^111

There were also instances of mobilizing foragers as farmers or soldiers,

then demobilizing them back to hunters. In 1743 “hunting”(Ma:buthai)

Solon-Ewenki and Dagur who had been cultivating statefields resumed

pursuit of sable and other game, as did hunter-soldiers withdrawn from

“outposts”(Ma:karun)in 1698. The general trend, however, was to

transform foragers into sedentary stipended consumers of grain just like

garrisons in China proper. Forager tribute had become far less important

than mobilization of forager bodies.^112

Such bodies were, nevertheless, raw materials for“great army”service.

Many, like the impoverished Solon-Ewenki shifted to Ningguta in 1690 ,

required special “instruction” because they had “never understood

workingfields nor lived in houses,”but instead lived“like wild beasts

and birds without resting places.” Even in 1735 , Solon-Ewenki and

The Nature of Imperial Foraging in the SAH Basin 95
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