Across Forest, Steppe, and Mountain_ Environment, Identity, and Empire in Qing China\'s Borderlands

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grassland resources, albeit in fundamentally different ways. Interethnic

competition ensued and lasted over the next 130 years.

This competition was one historically visible sign that Inner Mongo-

lia’s administrative and ecological boundaries were incongruent. It was

relations between humans and resources, rather than those between

humans and state administrations, that mainly resulted in Han migration

north of the Great Wall, even in the late nineteenth century under the

exigency of Russian colonialism.^99 The material, rather than political,

concerns of the Han masses ensured that the region of Inner Mongolia

that would experience the greatest influx of Han migrants in the eight-

eenth century was the ecotone along the Hu Line.

This ecotone had long drawn migrants. The Chinese red pine, for

example, is indigenous to northern China centered on the Yellow River

basin. Red pine nevertheless did actually“migrate”into southeastern

Mongolia, an area technically beyond the limits of the northern

monsoon climate that conditions the distribution of this tree species.

The pines appeared with the onset of the monsoon’s northward shift,

and commensurate increases in temperature and precipitation, nearly

eight thousand years ago, and then declined about forty-two hundred

years ago. This is also the approximate time frame for the general

replacement of woodlands by grasslands. In microclimates created by

valleys, however, higher water tables and related conditions permitted

isolated pine stands to persist“along the current ecotone and into

the steppe.” These stands now inhibit soil erosion associated with

widespread desertification.^100

Southeastern Inner Mongolia is an ecotone in part because it is peri-

odically capable of changing just enough to make limited accommodation

to species such as the red pine, with an enhancement in diversity that

further distinguishes the region. Such patchy diversity is what sustained

Mongol herders and what drew Han farmers in the process of their own

much more expeditious northern migration in the early eighteenth

century.

Of course, agriculture and pastoralism were not monolithic practices,

ethnically or spatially. There were pastures south of the Great Wall and

cultivation among Mongols, especially the Tümed, although thirteen

of their semiurbanized sixty-two “agrarian” banner companies were

actually pastoral.^101 Differences north and south among all these prac-

tices, however, abounded and were conditioned by both cultural and

ecological factors. Han cultivation, as noted inChapter 1 , for example,

was distinct from Mongol cultivation, particularly in terms of scale.

The Nature of Imperial Pastoralism in Southern Inner Mongolia 147
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