of Ignorance,” 647 – 68. My comments about Zomia here are restricted pri-
marily to Yunnan in general and its southwestern zone in particular.
41 Sakamoto,“Glutinous-Endosperm Starch Food,” 215 – 31 ; Luo Kanglong,
“Lun Ming Qing yilai tongyi shuizhi de tuixing,” 294 – 97 ; Xu Junfeng,
“Qingdai Yunnan liangshi zuowu,” 86.
42 Yin Shaoting,People and Forests, 420 – 21. Daniels,“Environmental Degrad-
ation, Part II,” 5.
43 Duan Wei and Li Jun,“Qingdai yimin yu Yunnan Shengtai.”Reforestation
was not entirely ethnically determined, and officials could prescribe hillside
reforestation by Han cultivators as part of more general programs for provin-
cial development; Cai Yurong,“Chou Dian shi shu,” 8 : 436.
44 Osborne,“The Local Politics of Land Reclamation,” 4 , 6 , 39.
45 Liu Min,“Lun Qingdai Pengmin huji wenti,” 22.
46 Li Zhongqing,Zhongguo xinan bianjiang de shehui jingji, 100 – 101 , 185.
47 Cited in Daniels,“Environmental Degradation, Part I,” 9. Takeuchi Fusaji has
also studied the violent consequences arising from radical Han agrarian
transformation of this swidden environment;“’Kaifa yu fengjin.’Daniels,
citing Takeuchi’s work on the uprising, calls for“more attention to the ethnic
side of the history of environmental degradation in China”( 10 ).
48 You Zhong,Zhongguo Xinan gudai minzu, 381 – 85. Less frequentlyyeren,as
a synonym foryeyi(wild tribal), was also applied to other indigenous peoples
like the Lisu, who could also be called the“red-haired wild people”(chifa
yeren); Zhang Yunsui“Zhang Yunsui zougao,” 8 : 709.
49 Leach,Political Systems, 35 – 36.
50 Qingdai dang’an shiliao xuanbian,QL 13 / 3 / 13 , 2 : 468 – 70 ;Donghua lu,QL
31 / 1 / 18 , 7 : 391 b– 92 b; Belin, “Yunnan zhongren tushuo,” 13 : 13. 6 a–b.
Although relatedQSLentries ( 18 : 284 b, 285 b) omit the terms, Belin employs
“wild people”and“wild tribals”interchangably. The Lisu were itinerant and
considered“the most ferocious among the tribals”in Tengyue,Tengyue
tingzhi, 247 b– 48 a. Zhang Yunsui made a distinction between“civilized”Lisu
who cultivated and“savage”types who hunted because they knew nothing of
farming;Qingdai dang’an shiliao xuanbian,QL 7 / 2 / 17 , 2 : 466 – 68 .“Mang”
was a reference to Myanmar peoples, some of whom settled in China and
intermixed with the Dai during the Qing; You Zhong,Zhongguo Xinan gudai
minzu, 388 – 89 ;Daoguang Yunnan zhi, 11 : 526.
51 Belin,“Yunnan zhongren tushuo,” 13 : 13. 6 a.
52 Leach,Political Systems, 289 ; Ni Tui.“Tuguan shuo,” 3 : 2131 a.
53 Yongzhengchao Hanwen zhupi,YZ 4 / 9 / 19 , 8 : 115 a– 16 a. For accounts of con-
version operations during the Yongzheng reign, see Li Shiyu,Qingdai tusi zhidu
lunkao, 33 – 36. For a study of Ortai’s operations, see Smith,“Ch’ing Policy.”
54 Li Shiyu,Qingdai tusi zhidu lunkao, 59 , 102 , 207 , 212 – 13 ;Qingshigao,
34 : 10 , 230 ; 47 : 14 , 205. The corresponding unsupported entries in Gong Yin,
erroneously lists 1769 as the date of restoration;Zhongguo tusi zhidu, 650 ,
652. Li cites the date given inYongchang fuzhi, 198 b.
55 Yongzhengchao Hanwen zhupi,YZ 4 / 7 / 26 , 7 : 776 a; Wang Lüjie,“Gaitu
guiliu shuo,” 11 : 6 , 687 – 88.
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