81 MWLF, QL 32 / 11 / 23 [ 03 - 182 - 2254 - 026 ], 32 / 12 / 5 [ 03 - 182 - 2254 - 037 ]. For
an insightful discussion of Qing approaches to“magic and war”in the context
of the Jinchuan conflicts, see Waley-Cohen,The Culture of War in China,
57 – 61 .“Awei”(Ferula assa foetida) resin, a traditional Chinese medicine, was
belatedly sent in from Guangdong in 1769 with little practical, but some
psychological, effect on the troops;QSL,QL 34 / 6 / 15 , 19 : 168 a.
82 Yongchang fuzhi, 29 a–b; Xu Ke,Qingbai leichao, 1 : 45 – 46 .XuKe’s work also
mentions the“border subdistricts”of Menglian, Shangxia Meng, Yunmeng,
and Jiaodong, which generally lay in southern Shunning.
83 Belin,“Yunnan zhongren tushuo,” 13 : 13. 6 a; MWLF, QL 34 / 3 / 12 [ 03 - 183 -
2349 - 041 ], 34 / 7 / 13 [ 03 - 183 - 2354 - 004 ]. For a recent study of the malaria’s
effects on the campaign using Chinese sources, see Zhang Yuan,“Qian lun
zhangli dui Qianlong sanci zheng Mian zhanyi de yingxiang” 62 – 70.
84 Yin-ji-shan, “Chouzhuo Pu-Si-Yuan-Xin shanhou shiyi”; You Zhong,
Yunnan minzu shi, 565 – 66.
85 Yin-ji-shan,“Pu-Si-Yuan-Xin shanhou shiyi,” 8 : 447 – 49 .“Headmen”of nom-
inal authority were retained in some postconversion areas that a range of local
conditions, including malarial ones, precluded from fulljunxianconversion;
Li Shiyu,Qingdai tusi zhidu lunkao, 109 , 186 – 87.
86 Ni Tui,“Tuguan shuo,” 3 : 2131 a;Kaihua fuzhi, 273.
87 Xu Yunnan tongzhi gao, 5 : 3 , 969. By the time of the Qing Myanmar cam-
paigns, the passes had lost any strategic value they might once have possessed,
for they could be easily bypassed; Wang Chang,“Zheng Mian jilüe,”
21 : 17. 17 b. Malaria also complicated dynastic control of the eight passes
region by forcing regular Ming garrisons to abandon their posts to auxiliaries;
Wu Zhongyao,“Tengyue ting guan ai lun,” 470 b.
88 Jiaqing Daoguang liang chao shangyu,JQ 17 / 4 / 6 , 17 : 119 a–b; Hu Qirong,
“Diaobao tushuo,” 5 : 3973 – 74. Attempts were made from the late 1930 s
through the 1940 s to determine precisely which species ofAnopheleswas
responsible for the transmission of malaria. The most plausible theory was
thatAn. minimus, with its pronounced taste for human rather than animal
blood, was the main vector of infection; Yao et al.,“Some Epidemiological
Factors of Malaria in Mangshih.”One 1940 investigation found thatAn.
minimuswas found primarily along river margins, streams with grassy edges,
and drainage channels; Robertson,“Malaria in Western Yunnan,” 70.
89 Yongchang fuzhi, 29 a;Daoguang Yunnan zhi, 11 : 453 ;QSL,JQ 17 / 3 / 8 ,
31 : 441 a– 42 a;Jiaqing Daoguang liang chao shangyu,JQ 17 / 7 / 8 , 17 : 260 a.
90 Gong Yin,Zhongguo tusi zhidu, 553 ;Jiaqing Daoguang shangyu,JQ 17 / 7 / 8 ,
17 : 260 a, JQ 17 / 5 / 8 , 17 : 155 b. The concept ofbianwailocales as malarial by
definition is supported by a 1769 decree that confidently asserted Yunnan’s
malaria“does not cross beyondbianwailocales.”The Qianlong emperor
issued this rebuke in response to Yun-Gui Governor-General Ming-de’s
explanation that the onset of the fall malaria season had delayed copper
shipments to China proper mints. The emperor reasoned that transport routes
all ran through Yunnan’s heartland, where there could be no malaria;Qian-
longchao shangyu,QL 34 / 10 / 14 , 5 : 916 b– 17 a.
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