Across Forest, Steppe, and Mountain_ Environment, Identity, and Empire in Qing China\'s Borderlands

(Ann) #1

15 Yee,“Chinese Geographic Maps,” 2 : 35 – 70 ; Yee,“Chinese Maps in Political
Culture,” 2 : 74 – 76 , 87 ; Henderson,“Chinese Cosmographical Thought,”
2 : 203 – 27.
16 Hu Wei.Yugong chuizhi, 14 (preface), 682.
17 Hu Wei,Yugong chuizhi, 677.
18 Lü Liuliang,Lü Wancun wenji, 2 : 6. 18 a–b; Wang Fuzhi,Huangshu, 12 : 534 ;
Chavannes,“Les Deux Plus Anciens Spécimens,” 214 – 47 ; Yee,“Chinese
Geographical Maps,” 46 – 47.
19 The following discussion of the field allocation system follows Edward
H. Schafer,Pacing the Void, 75 – 76. For a helpful traditional explication see,
Gu Zuyu,Du shi fangyu jiyao, 11 : 5508 – 21.
20 Xin Tangshu, 3 : 817 – 18. For a Song-era map with reproduced text from the
Tangshu, seeSongben lidai dili zhizhang tu, 84 – 85.
21 Hu Wei,Yugong chuizhi, 642.
22 Zhao Tingdong,Dili wujue, 131 – 32.
23 Hu Wei,Yugong chuizhi, 678 , 698 – 99 .“Tribute”(chaogong) here means
regional produce submitted by vassal states that are not under direct adminis-
tration of the Nine Provinces as originated in the“Hua-yi”foreign relations of
the Han dynasty; Fu Baichen,Zhonggguo lidai chaogong, 1 – 3.
24 Hu Wei,Yugong chuizhi, 14 , 685 , 699.
25 Hu Wei,Yugong chuizhi, 3.
26 Hu Wei,Yugong chuizhi, 678.
27 Hu Wei,Yugong chuizhi, 682 – 83.
28 Zhao Yi,“Chang’an diqi,” 3. 1921 b. For Zhao,flights from Tang capitals
resulting from major rebellions are particularly significant evidence for the
depletion of regionalqi. Qifluctuation was also held to influence dynastic
succession; Yang,Studies in Chinese Institutional History, 14 – 15 ; Zhao Yi,
Nianer shi zha ji, 95.
29 Mingshilu, 1 : 127 a–b. For an extended, variant version, see Chen Jian,Huang
Ming tongji, 1 : 104 – 7. Ming Taizu’s reign has been considered a peak of
ethnocentric Han thought; Wiens,“Anti-Manchu Thought,” 3 – 4 ; Li Dalong,
“Quantong yi-Xia guan,” 7.
30 Lü Liuliang,Tiangai lou si shu yu lu, 1 : 474 a. Ming Taizu believed that by the
1350 sqiwas concentrated on the south bank of the lower Yangzi, where he
would establish the dynastic capital, and that his state’s subsequent prosperity
and territorial expansion“derived solely from shifts in theqiof the mountains
and rivers”;Mingshilu, 1 : 104 b.
31 Gu Yanwu relied on similarqimechanics to reach the conclusion thatqihad
been moving toward the southeast from the northwest, which thereupon
became a wasteland; Gu Yanwu,Ri zhi lu, 627. For Gu’s general views, see
Santangelo,“Collected Papers, 183 – 99. For a contrasting Ming period con-
cept ofqi’s historical role, see Xu Jishan and Xu Jishu,Dili renzi xu zhi, 36.
32 Hu Han,Hu Zhongzi ji, 1 : 4 a–b. Versions published in official Qing compil-
ations omit these passages of“Han-barbarian discourse.”
33 See, for example, Wiens,“Anti-Manchu Thought,” 10 – 14 ; Fa-ti Fan,“Nature
and Nation,” 417 – 19 ; Du Weiyun,Qingdai shixue yu shijia, 69 – 72.
34 Wang Fuzhi,Du tongjian lun, 10 : 455.


Qing Fields in Theory and Practice 57
Free download pdf