160 linrothe
to B. K. Kaul Deambi, former Director of the Centre of Central Asian Studies,
Kashmir University, that is was “incised by one living in a far-flung area and not
supposed to possess a sound knowledge of Sanskrit language and grammar.
That is why we find in the epigraph some grammatical irregularities, incor-
rect language, influenced by local vernacular and orthographical mistakes”.26
In Deambi’s understanding then, local elites attempted to Sanskritise them-
selves. Given the difficulties of interpretation, and the many places in which
Deambi has resorted to “correcting” the inscription, I am rather leery of accept-
ing the translation too literally. Deambi translates it as follows. “Homage[.]
These images of Lokesvara (i.e. Avalokitesvara) and Maitreya were installed
by Kyasa for the increase of the religious merit of all living beings and for the
glory of Atha who was a horseman and who belonged to the family of Tharana.
The architect was Naddha, resident of Dra-ala.”27 “Dra” is glossed as referring to
Dras and “ala” to the Tibetan word for “la” (mountain pass), though that would
make Naddha a resident of the pass, where no one would ever live. Even if
one accepts all of Deambi’s emendations (including those to his own earlier
version), we are left with the names of three people from two places: the main
patron Kyasa, Atha of the Tharana (place name?) family to whom the merit
is dedicated, and Naddha the architect or perhaps sculptor from Dra-ala.
It is probably more than coincidental that “Dra” so closely resembles the
present name for the place, but there is no guarantee that was the seventh
century name. Since the names have also been Sanskritised, it would be guess-
work to recognise Balti, Dard, or for that matter Kashmiri ethnicity in them.
One wonders at the possible intended audience(s) for the images and the
inscriptions. In van Ham’s scenario, foreign merchants offer pious gifts in
gratitude for survival and success in a foreign land. It would be a consider-
able investment, but perhaps one can speculate that trading guilds or caravans
had pooled their donations to create reminders of the values of their home, to
which they hoped to return. Would local merchants have done so? In Sonam
Phuntsog’s scenario, a regional king produced them, possibly for religious pur-
poses, either personal or collective. The sculptures could still function loosely
as boundary markers. One can also imagine that Kashmiri Kārkoṭa frontier
officials, stationed there to regulate the lucrative trade with Central Asia via
either Baltistan or Nubra, or with Tibet via Ladakh or Zangskar, might have
erected them at the post to which they were assigned. The sculptures would
26 Deambi, “The Pillar Inscription at Dras”, 54.
27 Deambi, “Pillar Inscriptions at Dras,” 55. For a significantly different version of the
translation, by the same author, see Deambi, B. K. Kaul, Corpus of Śāradā Inscriptions of
Kashmir (Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan, 1982), 154.