Benefactive ditransitives in Dutch 193
presents the results of a small scale corpus investigation into the use of
benefactive ditransitives in the two national varieties of the language, Neth-
erlandic and Belgian Dutch, and Section 4 develops a hypothesis which
accounts for the observed regional variation in terms of a semantic contigu-
ity constraint. This discussion will involve a brief comparison with the
equivalent English ditransitive construction. Section 5 briefly looks into
another kind of lectal variation, viz. register variation, and Section 6 sum-
marizes the main findings.
- On the “benefactive” ditransitive construction
2.1. Caused reception and benefaction
Many languages exhibit a three-participant argument structure construction
which, in addition to all kinds of events in which an agent instigates a
transfer of a patient towards a recipient, can also encode events which in-
volve a beneficiary rather than a (prototypical) recipient as the third partic-
ipant. Polish is a case in point: as shown by the examples from Dąbrowska
(1997: 25–35) in (1) below, the Polish construction with dative and accusa-
tive objects can be used to encode prototypical transfer of possession
events (1a–b) as well as events in which somebody carries out an action for
the benefit of somebody else (1c–f). The dative object codes either the reci-
pient or the beneficiary. For further discussion of the similarity between the
encoding of events of caused reception and events of benefaction attested in
many of the world’s languages, see Shibatani (1996), Newman (1996: 95–
97) and Kittilä (2005), inter alia.
(1) a. Dał /Ofiarował jej obraz.
he gave/he presented her:DAT picture:ACC
‘He gave her a picture./He presented her with a picture.’
b. Wysłał / Podał jej książkę.
he sent/ he handed her:DAT book:ACC
‘He sent/handed her the book.’
c. Ala uszyła mi sukienkę.
Ala:NOM sewed me:DAT dress:ACC
‘Ala sewed me a dress.’