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Beyond the reach of the vetting regime were of course those who
already occupied positions of influence in Iraqi society. In this political
context, had they not been such malevolent Nazi ‘bad hats,’ the Shawkat
brothers might perhaps have made some valid contribution to Iraqi life. As
it was, they proved to be nothing more than fascist troublemakers.
Certainly, they were the ‘burr under the saddle’ par excellence of British
intelligence before, during, and after the Rashid Ali interregnum. At the
mere mention of ‘the Shawkats,’ Baghdadis would exchange furtive looks.
Little that these intriguers did was taken at its face value; their moves or
utterances were generally viewed with suspicion. There were four broth-
ers: Sami (MOFA IRQ/9), Saib (MOFA IRQ/8), Naji, and Hamdi. The
last two were of less importance from DSO’s viewpoint: Naji Shawkat
(1893–1980), briefly prime minister in 1932–1933 and a former Rashid
Ali cabinet minister, was sentenced in absentia after the armistice to
15 years’ penal servitude; Hamdi, a former cavalry officer and bon viveur,
was a person of little consequence. But the two physicians in the family,
Sami and Saib, were unrepentant fascists in a subversive league of their
own. Saib fled to Turkey at the end of May 1941, only to apply for re-
entry to Iraq at the end of the year. And Sami, it is hard to believe, never
left the country. Although the new Iraqi government took steps against
many pro-Nazis who remained, most were considered by CICI to be
‘small fry.’ Meanwhile, it was scandalous that several of the most danger-
ous Axis supporters, including Sami Shawkat, remained not only at liberty
but contrived to obtain for themselves important positions under the new
regime by outwardly expressing a pro-British attitude. Naturally, Sami was
considered by the British to be a danger to the security of the state and,
together with his brother Saib, even a danger to Middle East security as a
whole.^39 That such instances of misplaced Iraqi tolerance were allowed to
happen was of course traceable to the FO policy, even in a war theatre, of
recognizing the independent Iraqi government’s right to govern its own
citizens. Had Iraq been under British martial law, it would have been a
different matter: the internment camps would no doubt have been heav-
ing with pro-Axis malcontents. But as things stood, Chokra Wood and
Hanbury Dawson-Shepherd simply had to wait and watch until clear evi-
dence of subversion or treachery presented itself. Then, of course, they
were quick to pounce on any unfortunates who perhaps thought that they
were unobserved in their quest to prolong the fascist cause within Iraq.
The Shawkat family was of Georgian origin; the father had been the
mutasarrif (governor) of Kerbala and a member of the Turkish assembly.