CHRISTIANSengaged in negotiations with anyone during the period required by
these stories.
In fact, a close reading of the Nestorian accounts reveals that the
immediate consequences of the Islamic conquest were just as disruptive
and destructive for Christians as they were in other respects. In one
instance a monk named Abba Yiinan, a native of Beth 'Arbhaye, was
forced to flee from the monastery of Bar Tura, which he had established
near Sinjar, because of the disturbed conditions. He went with his
followers to a more inaccessible monastery up-country for refuge and
told his followers to bury him there; but he prophesied that after seven
years peace would reappear and they would return to Bar Tura.^61
The personal dangers resulting from Arab raids in Adiabene were
emphasized in order to claim miracles for Mar Sabhrisho' (d. 650),
who is credited with securing the release of seven monks taken captive
by an Arab raid on a monastery. 62 The Muslims were not solely re-
sponsible for this kind of disruption. Abraham, the bishop of perath,
was taken captive by the Persian Hormizdan in the fighting with Abii
Miisa.^63
The best evidence indicates that things only began to return to
normal in the patriarchate of Mar Ammeh (644-47). He was bishop
of Nineveh at the time of the conquest, and it is said that the Muslims
favored him because he provided them with food.^64 Afterwards he
became metropolitan of Khuzistan and then catholicos in 644. But
Mari's claim that he received a document of some sort from the caliph
'An (656-61) is chronologically impossible.^65 However, as catholicos,
Mar Ammeh was able to rebuild the burned church of the monastery
of St. Sergius at the suburb of Mada'in called Mabhrakhtha. Like his
predecessor, Mar Ammeh also died at Karkh Juddan but was buried
in the monastery of St. Sergius outside Mada'in.^66 It might be reason-
able then, to date the return of the catholicate to Mada'in from the
accession of Mar Ammeh's successor, Ish6'yahbh III (648-58).
It should be obvious that neither during the conquest nor imme-
diately afterwards was any kind of official understanding reached
between the Islamic government and the Nestorian Church as a reli-
61 Chabot, "Chastete," pp. 251-52; Scher, "Histoire nestorienne," Il(2), 470.
62 Mingana, Sources syriaques, pp. 223-30; Scher, "Histoire nestorienne," Il(2), 583-
85.
63 Guidi, Chronica Minora I, I, 36; 11, 30.
64 Scher, "Histoire nestorienne," Il(2), 630.
65 Assemani, BO, III(2), 95.
66 Guidi, Chronica Minora I, I, 32, 34; Il, 27, 28.