Caesar\'s Calendar. Ancient Time and the Beginnings of History (Sather Classical Lectures)

(WallPaper) #1


  1. First argued by Mancuso (1909); good discussions, especially on the urge to
    raise Sicily at the expense of Athens, in Pearson 1987, 132 – 40; Walbank 1989 – 90, 43;
    Asheri 1991 – 92, 58.




  2. Connors 2002, 16; her fine discussion of Chariton shows how long into the
    Roman imperial period Syracuse ’s imperial associations resonated. See Jaeger 2003 for
    a discussion of Livy’s presentation of Syracuse as “a failed Rome” (233).




  3. Cf. Arnold-Biucchi 2002: “Most handbooks of Hellenistic history... seem to
    think of the West as too insignificant to be part of the Hellenistic kingdoms. Even
    numismatic treatises... ignore Sicily.” The Roman tradition could overlook Syracuse
    as well: when Cicero says that Rome had only three rivals as aspirants to world empire,
    he mentions Carthage, Corinth, and... Capua (Leg. Agr.2.87). Apart from the fact
    that it begins with C,it is initially hard to see why Capua is in that list instead of Syra-
    cuse, which was described by Timaeus, in words twice quoted by Cicero, as the largest
    of the Greek cities and the most beautiful of all cities (Ve r r.2.4.117; Rep.3.43). For the
    role of Capua as a potential second Rome in Silius Italicus, see Cowan 2002, 52 – 53.




  4. On this theme in Thucydides, see Hunter 1982, 46 – 47, 263 n. 58; Connors 2002,




  5. In general, on the theme of the contention for imperial status in the Mediterranean,
    see the outstanding study of Purcell (1995), to which I am indebted throughout.




  6. Sparta was not a maritime city (despite its depiction in the film Troy), and for
    the imperial theme in which Athens and Carthage are involved, this is crucial: Purcell




  7. 48.Alc.17.2; Nic.12.1 – 2.




  8. Livy 25.24.11 – 13; Plut. Marc.19. The scene has been the subject of some fine
    recent discussions: Rossi 2000; H. I. Flower 2003; Jaeger 2003; Marincola 2005.




  9. Marincola 2005, 228 – 29, well brings out the metahistorical function of Livy’s
    description of Marcellus’s tears; Marcellus’s memory of the key points commemorated
    in Sicilian history is Livy’s way of pinpointing the fact that Western Greek history is
    now ending, to be subsumed in Roman history, just as the work of the Western Greek
    historians is now being subsumed in his own Ab Urbe Condita.




  10. Hanell 1956, esp. 149, 152, 166, 169; cf. Brown 1958, 15; Momigliano 1977a,
    57 – 58.




  11. Cornell 1975, 24; cf. Jacoby, FGrH566, Komm., 536 – 37; Momigliano 1977a.




  12. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom.1.74.1 = FGrH566 F 60. I agree with Meister 1989 – 90,
    58 – 59, that this date was given in the Histories,not the supplementary Pyrrhica.




  13. Jacoby, FGrH566, Komm., 536.




  14. See the discussion between Momigliano and Hanell in Hanell 1956, 183 – 84.




  15. Momigliano 1977a, 55.




  16. Aubet 2001, 227.




  17. Plut. Cam.22.2.




  18. notes to pages 50 – 53



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