The Convergence of Judaism and Islam. Religious, Scientific, and Cultural Dimensions

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102 r Yehoshua Frenkel


Notes



  1. Place, according to this interpretation, is more than the location where social pro-
    cesses are taking place. It is a communal domain that carries administrative and political
    notations as well as cultural and religious meanings. In this role, place and landscape
    hold a special position. They are exhibited in written works and occupy a dominant posi-
    tion in popular practices and manners. John Agnew, “Representing Space: Space, Scale,
    and Culture in Social Science,” in Place/Culture/Representation, ed. James Duncan and
    David Ley (London: Routledge, 1993), 251–71.

  2. The biblical verses “And the angel of the Lord said to her: Behold, you are with
    child, and shall bear a son; you shall call his name Ishmael; because the Lord has given
    heed to your affliction. He shall be a wild ass of a man, his hand against every man and
    every man’s hand against him; and he shall dwell over against all his kinsmen” (Genesis
    16:11–12) were quoted by some Christian authors when describing the defeat of the Byz-
    antine Empire and the emergence of the Islamic Caliphate. Andrew Palmer, The Seventh
    Century in the West-Syrian Chronicles (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1993), 230
    and note 581; Walter Emil Kaegi, “Initial Byzantine Reaction to the Arab Conquest,”
    Church History 38 (1969): 140, 143, 146; H. W. Bailey, “To the Zamasp-Namak,” BSOAS 6
    (1930–31): 55–56, 582n73; Robert H. Hewsen, “The Geography of Pappus of Alexandria:
    A Translation of the Armenian Fragments,” Isis 62 (1971): 202n71.

  3. Commonly Muslim jurists refer to Quran 9:29. U. Rubin, “Qur’an and Poetry,” JSAI
    31 (2006): 139, mentions earlier studies; Taqi al-Din Ahmad b. ̔Ali al-Maqrizi (766/1364–
    845/1441), al-Suluk li-ma ̔rifat duwal al-muluk, ed. M. M. Ziyada (Cairo: Matba ̔at Dar
    al-Kutub, 1934) 1:712, records the collection in Cairo of the poll tax (682/1283–84). The
    Copts and the Jews came to Dar al- ̔Adl, where they paid the money while the heads of
    the Mamluk civil administration were present.

  4. Khalil Athamina, “Arab and Muhajirun in the Environment of Amsar,” Studia Is-
    lamica 66 (1987): 10.

  5. The unclear distinction between the jizya and kharaj categories caused particularly
    severe difficulties. Jasir b. Khalil Abu Safiya, Bardiyat qurra ibn Sharik al- ̔absi (Riyad:
    Markaz al-Malik Faysal lil-buhuth, 2004), 121–23; Hamilton A. R. Gibb, “The Fiscal Pre-
    script of ̔Umar II,” Arabica 2 (1955): 1–16; Azeddine Guessous, “Le rescrit fiscal de ̔Umar
    b. ̔Abd al- ̔Aziz: une nouvelle appreciation,” Der Islam 73 (1996): 113–37.

  6. Abu Ja ̔far Muhammad b. Jarir al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-rusul wal-muluk, ed. M. J. De
    Goeje (Leiden: Brill, 1879; repr., 1964), 2:1353–54, 1507–10.

  7. Bailey, “To the Zamasp-Namak,” BSOAS 6 (1930): 56 (§ 13); Sidney H. Griffith,
    “Anthony David of Baghdad, Scribe and Monk of Mar Sabas: Arabic in the Monasteries
    of Palestine,” Church History 58 (1989): 19; Sidney H. Griffith, “From Aramaic to Arabic:
    The Languages of the Monasteries of Palestine in the Byzantine and Early Islamic Peri-
    ods,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 51 (1997): 24–29.

  8. Joshua Blau, The Emergence and Linguistic Background of Judaeo-Arabic, 3d ed. (Je-
    rusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute, 1999), 4, 34–41; Norman Ruth, “Jewish Reaction to ̔Arabiyya
    and the Renaissance of Hebrew in Spain,” Journal of Semitic Studies 28 (1983): 64–66.

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