The Martyrdom of Sol Hachuel: Ridda in Morocco in 1834 r 12318–20, 36–37, 61–63, and André Chouraqui, La condition juridique de l’Israélite marocain
(Paris: Presses du Livre français, 1950), 21–25, 47–55.
- For a discussion of the various statutes of the law of ridda, see H. Ennaifer, Foi et
justice (Groupe de Recherches Islamo-Chrétien) (Paris: Centurion, 1993), 104–13, and
Fattal, Le statut légal, 141, 163–73. - For an explanation of the role of the witness in a ridda trial, see also the entry for
Shahid (witness) in the Encyclopedia of Islam, CD-ROM edition V.I.I. - This text is included in Yosef Ben-Na ̔im, Malkhe Rabbanan (Jerusalem: 1930). See
my article in Isha be-Mizrah, Isha mi-Mizrah, 48 (see note 3 above). - See A. Rey, Souvenirs d’un voyage au Maroc (Paris: Bureau du Journal d’Algérie,
1844), 152. Rey records that the governor gave instructions to provide Sol with food and
drink during her three days of imprisonment. Prior to this, he explained to her parents
that only after three days would the situation become clear whereupon he would be able
to decide her future (148–49). This is in accordance with the tuba process within the
ridda proceedings. - See the piyyut “Et godel shevah na ̔arah ashira, asaper” (The highest praise for
a young woman, I will sing and tell), which is included in Ya ̔aqov Avihazirah, Yagel
Ya ̔aqov (Netivot, 2001). We quoted lines 11–13. - See Rey, Souvenirs, 148–66. The painter Alfred Dehodencq, who visited Tangier in
the 1850s, included accounts of Sol’s case as told by her contemporaries living in Tangier
in his memoir, as collected by Gabriel de Séailles, Alfred Dehodencq: Histoire d’un color-
iste (Paris: P. Ollendorff, 1885), 113. He also portrayed her in his painting Execution of a
Moroccan Jewess. For statutes concerning marriage in Islamic law, see under Nikah in the
Encyclopaedia of Islam (Leiden: Brill, 1995, viii), 26–35. - For further information about the return to Judaism of those forced to convert to
Islam in Morocco, see H. Z. Hirschberg, Toldot ha-Yehudim be-Afrika ha-Tsefonit (The
History of the Jews in North Africa) (Jerusalem: Mossad Bialik, 1965), 1:84–85, 279–82
(Hebrew); Eliezer Bashan, Yahadut Morocco, ̔Avra ve-Tarbutah (Moroccan Jewry, past,
and culture) (Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz Hameuhad, 2000), 21, 62 (Hebrew); Rey, Souvenirs,
72–84. At this stage, it would be appropriate to make a number of comments on Malikite
law, which is one of the basic elements of Moroccan Islam. The state has been adminis-
tered using this body of law since the eleventh century (the Murabittin period). Spiritual
leaders with mystical tendencies helped to spread the law and contributed to the expan-
sion of a popular fundamentalist Islam. However, during the reign of the sultan Sliman
II from the Alawite dynasty (1792–1822), the influence of Wahhabism increased, and
this trend continued under his heir, Sultan Abd al-Rahman, while he remained loyal
to Malikite law. Important historians specializing in Moroccan history, such as Abdal-
lah Laroui, claim that the people were not shaped by Islam but rather by the form of
Malikism that developed in Morocco. See Laroui, Islamisme, Modernisme, Libéralisme
(Casablanca: Centre culturel arabe, 1997), 159. Other historians such as Mohammed Oth-
man Benjelloun agree that Malikite Islam has distinctive features, being more tolerant
not only of other religions but especially with the “People of the Book,” who settled in
Morocco. See his book Projet national et identité au Maroc (Casablanca: Eddif, 2000), 79.
To quote King Hassan II on the same subject: “Malikism is the intellectual backbone of