86 · Gökçe Yurdakul and Y. Michal Bodemann
more seriously when they have to deal with young German Turks as their
counterparts in the immigrant associations. Just as in the Jewish associa-
tions, she looks for economically and socially capable people to be in the
Turkish frontline.
Using the Jewish Master Narrative to Claim Group Rights
Some leaders of the Cemaat openly state that they demand religious
rights similar to those of Jews. They argue that the German state authori-
ties should recognize the religious and national differences of Sunni Turk-
ish immigrants.^56 The Cemaat and other religious Turkish associations
demand permission for ritual slaughtering of animals, for the Islamic call
to prayer in public, and for provisions enabling burial according to the
Islamic rite.^57 One important difference between the Jewish and Muslim
associations is fiscal status. While churches and synagogues as statutory
corporations (Körperschaften) in public law receive state-collected taxes
(Kirchensteuer) on their behalf, the mosques do not have this right. This
issue causes much resentment among Muslims in Germany, especially
because their number far exceeds the number of Jews. They are, however,
not sufficiently unified to establish political lobbies to demand the status
of corporation in public law.^58
The most striking examples of religious claim-making and the use of
the Jewish narrative involve disputes over religious education of Turk-
ish Muslim children, wearing of the headscarf in public places, and the
right to eat religiously processed meat. The religious education of Turkish
immigrant children in Germany has been a much debated problem for
years. While children are legally allowed to read and memorize Quran
verses in Arabic as a community service in many Sunni mosques, some
Muslim associations gained the right to teach Islam classes in German
schools. For example, in Berlin, the Islamic Federation has the privilege
of teaching Islam courses in secondary schools, albeit in the German lan-
guage.^59 Jews, however, are allowed to have their own religious educa-
tion and high schools in Germany.
Along with the problematic practice of teaching Islam courses in
secondary schools, a controversial public debate erupted over whether
Muslim women teachers could attend classes wearing the traditional
headscarves in public services and schools.^60 In a 2003 decision, the con-
stitutional court of Germany left it up to the individual Länder (states)