128 PLANS OF REFORM:
The two political "papers" we have just summarized were clearly the
work of a young and politically immature person. They give the feeling
that Speransky was unable to choose between two opposite conceptions.
On the one hand, he had read and accepted the ideas of the prominent
political writers of the 18th century, in particular Montesquieu and
Blackstone. On the other hand, he did not accept the philosophical
principles which lay at the basis of Western constitutionalism. He did
not recognize the "self evident truths" of imprescriptible rights of man,
of "no taxation without representation," the balancing of the interests
of various classes and groups, the social contract which justified popular
sovereignty in the American and French constitutions. His ideal was
that of a Rechtsstaat and seemed best exemplified by Prussia where
autocracy was combined with the rule of law, where traditions and the
rights and privileges of estates had not been obliterated by written
parchments and constitutions.
The young official's ideas - as set forth in the two Memoires we
have discussed - were along the lines of the various alleged imitations
of English constitutionalism popular at the time. Furthermore, his
practical program had a definitely conservative tinge. All this should
have made Speransky a supporter of the "Senatorial party." However,
Speransky sided with the opponents of the "Senatorial party" and threw
in his lot with their opponents, the bureaucratic-minded members of the
Unofficial Committee. For this choice, there was no doubt, first of all
a personal reason. After all, Speransky himself was of very low origin
and could hardly expect to be fully accepted by and allowed to play
a major role among the prominent members of the aristocracy. But
other reasons must surely have played a part in determining his choice.
He was very much aware of the moral turpitude (due to serfdom) and
political incompetence (due to the autocracy) of the majority of the
Russian nobility. In the bureaucracy - of which he himself was a
member - and in the group allied with the Unofficial Committee, he
saw much more promise. He felt that the spiritual and material
improvement of the Russian nation was more likely to be brought
about by energetic, enlightened, and "modern" bureaucrats than by
old-fashioned, conservative dignitaries. Finally, both_ his training and
the bent of his intelligence made Speransky more receptive to the
bureaucratic, administrative approach to government. His recent suc-
cessful bureaucratic career could serve only to strengthen this attitude,
and make him distrustful of the slow, "organic," and "historicist"
approach of the "Senatorial party."
About a year after his first attempt at a general statement of aims