142 PLANS OF REFORMistration." 1 But to prevent the executive from abusing its power and
distorting the meaning of the laws, it must render account of its actions
before the legislative body. Speransky believes that this method will
be congenial to the slow, reflective ways of a Northern people - ob-viously a reminiscence from Montesquieu. It puts its main reliance on
the forces of argument and conviction and eliminates appeals to passion
and deceit, as had been the unfortunate practice of the French during
the Revolution.^2 Under Russian conditions this was an extremely
ambitious and "progressive" proposal. However, its constitutional
character depended entirely on the composition and role given to the
legislative institution. We shall see below the practical interpretation
Speransky himself gave of this scheme. But first we must examine the
social foundation on which he hoped to base the new system.
Russia's historical evolution has created three major social classes:
the nobility, the townspeople (burgesses), and the people, i.e., the
peasants and workers.^3 The nobles are the descendants of the old,
best families of the "first feudal" stage who have preserved their pnv-
ileged position by serving the state. The burgesses are "fragments" of
the third class, in other words, individuals whom economic activities
and place of residence have set apart from their original social stratum.
The people, i.e., peasants, have become attached to the land and to the
nobles by virtue of government acts dictated by military needs. 4 What
rights and legal abilities should these classes possess under the new
system? Considering that Speransky was writing at a time when serf-
dom and autocracy ruled Russia, his declaration of principles sounds
quite liberal and reminiscent of Locke: "The rights of citizens, i.e., the
security of person and property are the first and inalienable attributes
of any individual entering into the social bond." I) But then Speransky
engages in a rather casuistic argument. What is the concrete content of
each individual's so-called inalienable right to the possession of his
person and property in full? Possession of one's own person, answers
Speransky, means that a punishment can be inflicted only after a fairtrial. It also means that personal services can be rendered only under
conditions detennined by law, and not on the basis of the arbitrary
1 ibid., p. 33.
2 ibid., pp. 33, 34.
3 Curiously enough, Speransky forgot the class of his own origin - the clergy.
It may also be questioned whether the merchants were a full fledged class in
Russia. Old Russia based class distinction on the relation to state obligations -
tax·paying or service· performing (tiaglo or sluzhba).
4 Plan 1809, pp. 52-53. Here Speransky shows a more accurate conception of the
origins of serfdom than he did in his first reform plan. It is a significant change,
related to his growing "historical" orientation.
I) Plan 1809, p. 53.