144 PLANS OF REFORMAfter this we may expect that the citizens of the Russian Empire
will not possess equal political rights either, however limited these
rights might be. Speransky's plan stipulates that only those who own
real estate can participate, however modestly, in the political and
administrative life of the country. And, as we have just seen, the
limitations put on possession of such property restrict this political
right to the upper class. Adapting to the special conditions of Russian
serfdom the idea of the regime censitaire of France, Speransky also
repeats the well known argument in its defense: " ... assuming the
rights of individuals as equal, the greater the person's participation
in the right to property, the greater his natural concern for its pres-
ervation." 1 The acquisition of property serves as evidence of reason
and industriousness. A property owner is more likely to have the
capacity for exercising political rights than an individual without
property. However, in Speransky's opinion, mere possession of property
is not quite enough, although it is the most important prerequisite. An
individual's way of life, the degree of his education are equally
important in enabling him to participate in the political and admin-
istrative concerns of his country. Thus, Speransky finds that the way
of life of domestic servants, manual laborers, or craftsmen has not
prepared them for this higher responsibility. Consequently, they should
not be admitted to political rights, even if they have accumulated
capital wealth.^2 From this reasoning we must conclude that only
owners of settled real estate, the nobility, should be allowed the full
extent of basic and inalienable rights and admitted to participate in
the political affairs of the nation.
There is no question in Speransky's mind, however, of dividing the
Russian people into rigid and tight castes. He conceives of the Russian
people as an organic whole, an organism wherein each social class is
closely and harmoniously related to the others. Social stratification
ought to be flexible; there must be freedom to pass from one class to
another. Perhaps this cannot be done for a single individual in his
own lifetime, but at least this can be the case for a family over several
generations. This principle merely restates the historical tradition of
Russia which based all class distinctions on the type of service rendered
to the state, permitting passage from one class to the other as reward
for meritorious performance of duty or imperial favor. Speransky
himself owed his rise and fortune to this flexible class structure. In the
social hierarchy as conceived by Speransky, the nobility still forms the
1 Plan 1809, p. 60.
2 ibid., pp. 60-63 passim.