164 PLANS OF REFORMcentury. But Nolde had to admit that in practice Speransky negated
his own definition of the separation of powers by subjecting them to
the complete and absolute control of the autocratic ruler. In other
words, as Nolde himself implied without, however, explicitly stating it,
and as amply demonstrated in Speransky's own writings, separation of
powers was merely a bureaucratic device for regularizing and max-
imizing the efficiency of the administrative and judiciary processes.
Only a complete transformation of the fundamental conception of the
role and power.of the Russian state - a transformation which even the
reforms of Alexander II failed to bring about - could have given
Speransky's definition of separation of powers a constitutional and
"liberal" significance.
Neither the fears nor the hopes of Speransky's contemporaries that
his proposals might usher in a constitutional period in Russian history
were borne out by the practical measures he suggested or justified by
the theoretical arguments he developed in his Plans. However, we
are still justified in raising the question of his real ultimate intentions,
the true aims which, for understandable reasons, he might have
preferred to leave unsaid. He aspired at establishing a "true monarchy"
in Russia. Did this not mean that he contemplated a limited, constitu-
tional monarchy in the long run? Actually, as our exposition of his
plans and measures has tried to show, he was not much interested in
"constitution" in the contemporary sense. He was primarily interested
in putting the relations of private citizens among themselves and in
regard to the government on predictable, solid foundations, within the
framework of permanent fundamental laws.^1 More specifically and
narrowly, he wished to make a clear distinction between fundamental,
permanent legal relations - expressive of justice and social harmony -
and ad hoc regulations, temporary in their effect and limited to
specific instances of day to day administration. The lack of such a
distinction, in his opinion, had resulted in a great deal of confusion.
And this confusion in turn permitted officials to act in an arbitrary
fashion, in violation of the basic principles of law and justice, without
fear of ever being called to account.^2 Nor must we forget that Spe-
ransky was basically conservative - "preservative" (okhranitel'nyi) in
the phraseology of later times - concerning Russia's social structure.
Social stratification had to be based on the spiritual and moral status
1 Batenkov summarized it quite well by saying it was "a definition of absolutism
by itself." Batenkov. "Dannye: Provest' 0 sobstvennoi zhizni," Russkii Arkhiv,
(1881), No.2. pp. 268-269.
2 Plan 1809, pp. 3-4, 46-48.