Michael Speransky. Statesman of Imperial Russia, 1772–1839 - Marc Raeff

(Chris Devlin) #1
168 PLANS OF REFORM

rizing and analyzing the plans and concrete proposals of Speransky, we
have often pointed out the narrow limits of their "liberalism," their
bureaucratic, almost militaristic, stress on order, hierarchial sub-
ordination, and rational organization. Quite clearly, these proposals
coincided by and large with Alexander's own views and plans. Spe-


ransky's enemies and ill wishers, F. Viger for instance, accused him of

adapting slavishly his views and ideas to the whims and caprices of the
Emperor for reasons of selfish expediency and ambition. Without
denying that Speransky was politically ambitious, it is only fair to
point out that he sincerely believed in the beneficial effects of his
proposals for Russia and in the righteousness of his basic ideas. The
fact that he maintained these views so consistently in the face of bitter
opposition from the influential court circles, during his exile and
throughout his whole life, is more telling evidence of his basic sincerity
than the malicious gossip of Viger. True enough, as A. Nol'de rightly
points out (though he overdoes the argument for Speransky's lack of
creative thought), Speransky's success was to a great extent due to his
ability to give a pleasing and catching form to the inchoate ideas and
vague hopes of Alexander I; and yet, one should add in the same
breath, Speransky sincerely and fully shared the basic principles under-
lying the views of his imperial master. And we need only compare the
statements of Alexander I (and other influential dignitaries and advisers,
like the members of the Unofficial Committee) with Speransky's for-
mulations, to realize how much of an original, creative element was
added by the State Secretary to the common principles. By the very
manner in which he stated and developed the argument in favor of
the proposals, or tried to implement basic theories, Speransky set new
goals and paved the way for an elaboration and development of the
reforms. In short, the plans and projects expressed ideas held in
common by both Alexander and Speransky, but their historic impor-
tance, their practical value and novelty for Russian administrative
tradition, their potentialities, as guides for the future, were entirely
the product of the Secretary's talented and fertile mind.


SOURCES
P rim a r y sou r c e s: V, I. Semevskii, "Pervyi politicheskii traktat Speranskogo",
Russkoe Bogatstvo, (1907), No. I, pp, 46-85; Speranskii, "Zapiska ob ustroistve
sudebnykh i pravitel'stvennykh uchrezhdenii v Rossii" (1803), in Plan gosudarstven-
tlogo preobrazovaniia grata ]1.[. M. Speranskogo (Moscow - Russkaia Mysi' - 1905),
pp. 121-229; Speranskii, "Vvedenie k ulozheniiu gosudarstvennykh zakonov," in
Plan Gosudarstvennogo preobrazovaniia grata M. M. Speranskogo, pp. 1-20;
Speranskii, "Proekt uchrezhdeniia Pravitel'stvuiushchego Senata 18IIg," in Shil'der,
I/Ilperator Aleksandr I, vol. III, Appendix 1, pp. 405-433; Speranskii, "Proekt
uchrezhdeniia Sudebnogo Senata 18II," ibid., Appendix 2, pp. 433-471; Speranskii,
"l'is'llIo" .\leksandru I il Penni -iam. 1~13" in Shil'der. ojl. cit., \01. Ill, pp. ;,L')-527;
Speranskii, "Otchet v delakh 1810, predstavlennyi imperatoru Aleksandru I-u M, M.
Speranskim, II fevr. I8II," in Sbornik IRIO, vol. 21 (1877), pp. 447-462.


Con t e m p 0 r a r y w r it i n g s: G. S. Batenkov, "Dannye: Povest' 0 sobstvennoi

zhizni," Russkii Arkhiv, (1881), No.2, pp. 251-276; N. M. Karamzin, "0 drevnei i
novoi Rossii," Russkii Arhhiv, VIII, (1870), No.2, pp. 2225-2350; Grand Duc Nicolas
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