DISGRACE AND EXILE 187is true that in most instances the Emperor did not visualize in advance
the implications of his wishes and dreams about constitution, liberty,
the legal order, and the like. Confronted with the legislative act which
concretely embodied his dream, the full meaning of the measure would
suddenly become apparent to him. For the first time he would clearly
perceive the possibility that the measure might be used to whittle
down his absolute power. Fear that his councillors and ministers might
abuse his humaneness and idealism to circumscribe his authority turned
almost into an idee fixe. Nothing could arouse Alexander's suspicions
and dislike more than the belief that his councillor's advice or recom-
mendation might lead to a limitation of imperial prerogatives. We
have tried to show that the projects which Speransky had worked out
were not, in truth, a threat to Alexander's power. But no doubt, the
clarifying of the basic principles of autocratic rule and the "codifying"
of the relations of the absolute state to its subjects, might, conceivably
in the long run, contribute to lead the country towards a more con-
stitutional order. This was the implication which the die-hard conserva-
tives of Moscow and St. Petersburg read into Speransky's reforms. And
the same suspicion arose in the mind of the Emperor when the Plan
of 1809 confronted him with a practical formulation of his original
intentions. That is why Alexander refused to put into execution the
complete Plan of 1809 at once and chose to temporize, implementing
it piecemeal. Speransky's unwise insistance to put into effect the main
provisions of the Plan only contributed to heighten the Emperor's
suspicions and doubts.
Relying in the goodness of heart of others - perhaps because of his
own - Speransky was not a very perceptive judge of character. He did
not always select his assistants very wisely from the point of view of
their discretion, witness Magnitskii. Also in spite of his kindness and
tact, Speransky liked to make occasional sarca~tic or biting ironical
comments. Colleagues of his have related that in the early years of his
career he often had his fellow workers in the office "in stitches" by
satirizing his superiors, picking out and turning to ridicule their foibles
and eccentricities. He never completely rid himself of this habit and
sometimes indulged in it at the expense of some who were not likely
to appreciate this kind of humor. Unadvisedly, Speransky selected the
Emperor as the object of some caustic comments, which - unfortunately
- were repeated to Alexander. The mildest of these remarks was,
"i! est trop faible pour regner et trop fort pour etre regi." It was quite
tactless and even cruel to call the Emperor "notre Veau Blanc" -
punning on the name of Marshal Vauban - as Speransky did after